Alm ost five d ecad es have passed since J e n ő Fitz (palankas and parkans) o f m inor military significance,2
b ú t will nő t in clu d e th e c e n tre o f th e sancak, Székes- C ounty was divided up betw een thesancaks of Bucla,' F ehérvár8 a n d S im o n to rn y a.9 Pentele, Adony, E r
csi, an d Vál w ere p a rt o f th e chain o f small castles adm in istered by th e sancak of B uda; Szabadbattyán/
Csíkvár an d B ogárd/P o lgárdi b elo n g ed to the sancak is to obtain an overview o f th e available evidence on th e construction, the a p p earan ce (natú ré a n d condi- tion) an d th e to p o g rap h ical identification o f these structures, as well as on th eir d estruction an d recon- structio n, on th e basis o f the w ritten sources with th e aim o f collating this inform atio n with th e d ata from the various contem porary depictions, m aps and archaeological findings. W h enev er possible, I have in clu d ed th e evidence o f the payrolls. T h e stren g th o f the garrisons a n d th eir com position (the num bers a n d p ro p o rtio n o f élite re g u la r tro op s, artillery m en an d low er-ranking auxiliary troops) offer a wealth of ad d itio n al in fo rm atio n o n th e strategic im p o rtan ce these payrolls). T h e difference betw een th e payrolls a n d th e actual stren g th o f a p a rtic u la r g arriso n can be illustrated by the fact th at in th e 1570s only about 60 p e r cent o f the soldiers station ed in the garrisons w ere g e n u in e salaried troops, th e re m a in in g 40 p e r cent w ere ^m ar-h olders. 11 Evén so, these data are su ita b le fó r illu s tra tin g p ro p o r tio n s a n d b ro a d estim ates. T h e com position o f these g a rriso n s12 - esp ecially th e p re s e n c e o f azabs a n d martoloses (indicated by th eir respective branches o f service an d personal nam es) - is very im p o rtan t from an
111. 1. O tte n d o r f f ’s d ra w in g o f th e P en tele palanka ( 1 6 6 3 )
ological p o in t of view since beside th e finds from Turkish an d local H u n g á riá n culture, S o u th e rn Slav influences stan d out with ev er s h a rp e r c o n to u rs in the assemblages brought to light d u rin g the excavation o f these castles. 13
Pentele
Im p o rta n t advances have b een m ade in th e re search o f this palisade n e a r an im p o rta n t fe rry an d m arkét piacé since Fitz p u b lish ed his stud y. 14 T h e findings o f the research c o n d u c te d o ver th e pást d e c a d e s15 a re available in a s u m m a ry by Istv án Bóna. 16 T h e appearance o fth e D unapentele palisade
this d escriptio n, b ú t alsó su p p le m e n t it: his d raw in g shows th e co rn er-b asd o n s, th e g ateh o u se a n d th e to w e r o f a cami in th e re c ta n g u la r, “w re tc h e d ” stro n g h o ld , as well as its w attle fence a n d th e s tu rd y tim b e r fence enclosing th e su bu rb .
T h e location o f th e p alisade has alsó b ee n con- firm ed archaeologically. It lay in th e n o rth e r n p a rt o f p resen t-d ay D unaújváros an d is identical w ith the site o f R ácdom b (“Serb H ill”) in th e old town (O pen- tele, Ö re g Pentele) (111. 2) . 19 T h e hill has been inha- b ited m o re o r less co n tin u o u sly since th e N eolithic p e rio d a n d , as a site su ited to th e co n stru ctio n o f a fortification, is probably identical w ith th e site o fth e ea rth en hill-fort built by the A n do rn ak kinship g rou p in th e tw elfth to th irte e n th c e n tu rie s.20 T h e 1951 excavations con du cted by László Zolnay, Miklós Héjj an d Im re Holl revealed th at the T urkish palisade had b een co n stru c te d o ver th e re m a in s o f a m edieval settlement.21 T h e investigation o f this site was resum ed by J o lá n B. H o rv á th , w ho u n co v e red a n u m b e r o f refuse pits from th e O tto m a n age co n tain in g a w ide variety o f finds (sev en teen th -c en tu ry p a in te d an d green -g lazed bowls, ju g s , stove-tiles), as well as a section o f th e w e ste rn d itc h , d e sc rib e d by Evlia Q elebi.22 J u d it T am ási’s inv estig atio n o f th e S erb c h u rc h in 1991 alsó p r o d u c e d som é im p o rta n t findings23 since they m ad e it clear th a t th e b u ild in g was a laté B aroque stru ctu re a n d could nő t th erefo re be id en tified with th e Á rp á d ian Age ch u rch o f th e A n d o rn a k kinship g ro u p . In o th e r w ords, it could n ő t be confirm ed th at the T urkish palisade h ad been bu ilt a r o u n d a surviving m edieval b u ild in g . T h e findings alsó m ad e th e p o in t th a t the ch u rch could n ő t be identified with Evlia Gelebi’s cami, o r with th e
13 T h e O tto m a n -d a te S o u th e rn Slav c era m ic s h e rd s a p p e a r in a sm all q u a n tity a t Vál, to m e n tio n ju s t o n e in v estig a te d fortificatio n in F ejér C ounty. H a t h á z i - K o v á c s 1 9 9 6 3 4 - 4 9 ; 1 9 9 7 , 1 9 8 - 2 1 9 .
14 Fit z 1 9 5 6 b , 3 - 5 .
15 N a g y 1 9 7 5 , 4 3 - 5 1 ; J e n e i 1 9 7 5 , 1 2 3 - 1 2 7 .
16 B ó n a 1 9 9 1 , 1 1 - 2 5 , 3 6 - 3 8 , w ith ex ten siv e lite ra tu re a n d a survey o f th e re le v a n t sources; fór th e se co n d , rev ised a n d en la rg ed e d id o n , cf. B ó n a 1 9 9 7 , 1 4 - 2 9 , 4 5 - 4 7 ; T am ás Keszi’s
re c e n t su m m ary (in: E r d ó s - P o n g r á c z 2 0 0 0 , 9 5 - 1 0 7 ) does n ő t c o n ta in an y a d d itio n a l in fo rm a tio n .
17 H e r m a n n 1 9 4 3 , 4 1 - 4 2 . 18 K a r á c s o n 1 9 8 5 , 2 4 1 - 2 4 2 .
19 E r d ó s - P o n g r á c z 2 0 0 0 , 1 9 2 - 1 9 3 , w ith a m ap o f D u n a p e n tele a r o u n d th e tu r n o f th e tw e n tie th century.
20 B ó n a 1 9 9 1 , 5 ; 1 9 9 7 , 7 ; G y ö r f f y 1 9 8 7 , 4 5 - 4 7 . '
21 B ó n a 1 9 5 4 , 2 5 , 2 7 ; 1 9 9 1 , 111. 8.
22 B ó n a 1 9 9 7 , 2 2 .
23 RégFüz Ser. I. 4 5 ( 1 9 9 3 ) 7 8 .
Ne w Fi n d i n g s i nt h e Re s e a r c h o f T u r k i s h Pa l i s a d e si n Fe j é r Co u n t y 1 1 5
111. 2. M ap o f P en tele (today: D u n a ú jv áro s) fro m th e tu r n o f th e cen tu ry , m a rk in g th e R ácdom b (“S erb H ill”).
(T h e a ssu m e d b o u n d a ry o f th e palanka a n d th e su b u rb a re in d ic a te d by a d o tte d line; 1. S erb c h u rch )
ch u rch spire on O tte n d o rff ’s d ra w in g. 21 B óna at- tem p ted to locate the individual q u arte rs o f the town - such as th e T u rk ish -S erb ian q u a rte r w ith its lead- roofed caravanserai (O tte n d o r ff’s “c” poin t) know n from o th er sources alsó (Vencel V radslav’s diplom at- ic m ission) an d th e C hristian q u a rte r (O tte n d o r ff’s
“d ” point) - from O tte n d o r f f ’s sketch an d from the archaeological evidence from the R ácdom b site. T h e T u rk ish -S erb ia n s u b u rb (p re se n t-d a y “A g rag y e”) should m ost likely be so u g h t in th e re g io n o f Fran- g e p á n utca a n d P entelei M o ln ár Já n o s utca, while the Christian q u arte r probably lay som ewhere around T áltos utca a n d M agyar u tc a.25
T h e d ate o f the co n stru c tio n o f th e P entele p ali
sade is alsó unclear. J e n ő Fitz has already n o ted th at the payrolls from betw een 1540 an d 1629, the defters from betw een 1546 a n d 1590, an d th e re p o rts by
various envoys belie its existence.26 In th e absence o f payrolls the seemingly exaggerated stren g th o f three h u n d re d soldiers g arrisoned in the castle m entioned by Evlia Qelebi cannot be co nfirm ed.27 T h e first firm ev id en ce fo r th e existen ce o f th e castle (and an im p o rta n t piece o f in fo rm ad o n for its arch itectural history) is Captain-General Ádám Batthyány’s autum n 1661 ca m p a ig n in th e co u rse o f w hich th e first palisade was to rch ed ; we alsó know th a t its rebuild- ing was far from co m plete in 1663.2S In view o f the seventeenth-century dating of the archaeological finds from the site, István B óna p ú t th e co nstru ctio n of the first palisade to a ro u n d 1635-37, an d linked it to Hussain,pa§a of Buda. H e suggested that the reason for its co nstruction was th e relocation o f the A dony palanka to a m ore n o rth erly site, as a result o f which a roughly 50-kilom etre-long section o f the D
una-21 As a re su lt, th e h y p o th esis c o n ta in e d in th e first ed itio n o f B ó n a ’s bo o k ( B ó n a 1991, 19) was o m itted fro m th e second e d itio n ( B ó n a 1997, 23). E v en so, th is issu e is fa r fro m re so lv ed , sin ce th e possible c o n d n u ity o f th e c h u rc h site re m a in s u n d e c id e d . J . T am ási em p h a size d th a t h e r re sea rc h fo c u sed o n th e in v e s tig a tio n o f th e fa ca d es a n d th a t n o excav atio n h a d b e e n c o n d u c te d (th a t m ig h t h av e rev ea le d p a rtially d e m o lish e d walls).
25 B ó n a 1997, 23.
26 F i t z 1956b, 3 -4 ; B ó n a 1991, 3 6 -3 8 ; 1997, 4 5 -4 7 . 27 K a r á c s o n 1985, 2 4 1 -2 4 2 .
2a F o r th e 1 6 6 1 c am p aig n th a t Evlia (Jelebi h a d m ista k e n ly ascrib ed to Z eriin-oglu (M iklós Z rínyi), cf. V á r k o n y i 1985, 1090; B ó n a 1991, 18; 1997, 22; fo r a sim ilar n o te co n cern - in g Vál, cf. H a t h á z i - K o v á c s 1996, 14.
v iz ie r r e tr e a t e d th e r e fro m B u d a o n ly o n 5 -6 register com piled by István Daróczy, heir o f the Paksy fam ily w ho h a d b e e n th e o rig in a l la n d o w n e rs, m en tio n s th a t th e T urkish g arriso n in h ab itin g th e forty houses o f th e castle h ad fled, a n d th a t th e Serb peasants from the suburb th en m oved th ere destroy- ing all surviving rem ain s o f th e m ilitary p o st. 32 th e two palisades, with the early o n e at Szentm ihály- puszta, built in th e 1550s, bein g idendcal w ith K ork
Ne w Fi n d i n g s i nt h e Re s e a r c h o f Tu r k i s h Pa l i s a d e si n Fe j é r Co u n t y 1 1 7
111. 3. E n g rav in g by a n u n k n o w n G e rm á n m a s te r o f th e B attle o f A dony in J u ly 1684; w ith a d eta il o f th e p alisa d e o f A dony
o n e a n d th e sam e. A ccepting J e n ő Fitz’s view, she did n ő t discuss th e possible location o f th e castle.4 '
Knowing the close relation betw een Korkm az and C a n k u rta ra n , we can now p ro c eed to th e history o f the castle. A lthough th e fo u n d a tio n d ate oí 1529, re c o rd e d by b o th Evlia (Jelebi a n d O tte n d o rfl, is unacceptable (they both quote a trad itio n th a t Süley
m an had fled h e re afte r th e siege o f V ien n a) , 44 it is alm ost certain th a t A dony was o n e o f th e earliest fortified settlem ents in th e O ttom an -o ccu p ied terri- to ry o f H u n g a ry . Its c o n stru c tio n was no d o u b t strongly m otivated by th e fact th a t Adony, lying on the D anube an d along the road leading to B uda, was, by the fifteenth century, o n e o f the m ajo r m arkét tow ns a n d fe rries o f th e county.45 T h e palisade was certainly b u ilt by 1549 a n d was g arriso n ed by 108 soldiers, all o f w hom w ere cavalrym en, w ith th e ex cep tio n o f th re e a rtille ry m e n.46 (This calls fór a rejection o fth e early 1550s foundation date proposed
43 H e g y i 1995, 82, a n d n o t e s 2 5 8 -2 5 9 .
14 T h is d a te was alsó re je cte d by J e n ő Fitz. Cf. Fitz 1956b, 6;
H e r m a n n 1943, 41.
45 C s á n k i 1897, 307; K á l l a y 1979, 43.
46 V e l i c s - K a m m e r e r 1 8 8 6 -1 8 9 0 , II. 82.
47 Bóna 1991, 15; 1997, 17.
by István B óna on the basis o f a d átu m given by H ans EÍernschwam: the Verancsics - Zay diplomatic mission o f 1553.47) Klára Hegyi has suggested th at the castle was established by 1543 at the latest, in o rd e r to control the m ilitary road along the D anube leading to Buda, which was occupied in 1541.48 T h e 1559 defter offers a few m orsels o f info rm ation on th e g arriso n o f the en su in g decade: th e beneficiaries o f th e palisade in clud e th e kethüda an d his deputy, th e cavalry aga a n d th e co m m an d e r o f on e o f th e serodas, an odaba§i indicating an infantry janissary unit, as well as topgis.49 (As a m atter o f fact, a H ungárián renegade alsó served in the castle in 1557/58.50) By 1569 the g arrison had dim inished to thirty-seven m én, m ade u p o f cavalry
m en an d janissaries according to a re p o rt w ritten by B enedek T h ú r i.51 M ention m ust h ere be m ade o f a piece o f in fo rm atio n from th e 156 8-69 payrolls (quoted by Je n ő Fitz) according to which the garrison n um bered 392 mén: 64 miistafifizes, 199 ulufeci suvaris,
48 T h e section o f th e p ay ro ll p ro v in g this has u n fo rtu n a te ly p e ris h e d . Cf. H e g y i 1995, 87.
49 K á l d y - N a c y 1977, no. 2 8 /5 0 -5 1 , no. 29/51, n os 3 4 -3 5 /5 2 , no. 38/54, no. 73/64, no. 174/107; 1985, 6 0 -6 4 .
50 H e g y i 1995, 109-110.
51 B ó n a 1991, 15; 1997, 17.
111. 4. M ap s u p p le m e n t fro m C h a rle s o f L o r r a in e ’s c a m p aig n diary, sh o w in g th e p a lisad e o f A dony (8 S e p te m b e r 1686)
76 azabs, 32 martoloses, a n d 21 topgis.52 It has since becom e clear th at Q atfedai/C anfeda was nőt identical w ith C a n k u rta ra n , b ú t was a palisade n e a r Jász b e
rén y b u ilt in 1568.53 (T he in fo rm atio n on a 101- stro n g g arriso n in 1601 m u st be d isco u n ted fó r th e same reason.54) According to the payrolls, Adony had a ra th e r small cavalry garrison until the laté sixteenth c e n tu ry (38 m én in 1573, 29 m én in 1579 an d 35 m én in 1591), a lth o u g h these n u m b e rs only reflect one-half o f th e actual tro o p s statio n ed th e re since, fór ex am p le, we know from a n o th e r so urce th a t an ad d itio n al 39 foot-soldiers w ere statio n ed in A dony in 1580.55
T h e Fifteen Years W ar b ro u g h t a m ark ed change.
A dony cam e u n d e r C h ristia n c o n tro l twice, first d u rin g th e cam paigns in O cto b er 1601, lead in g to th e lib eratio n o f Székesfehérvár, a n d again d u rin g the D anube raids led by Ferenc N ádasdy a n d György T h u rz ó in 1602.56 A ccording to Karib (Jelebi th e T urks re tu r n e d im m ediately (in Ju ly 1602) a n d by 1604 “th e serdar h ad the palisade o f C a n k u rta ra n , destroyed by an enem y attack, re p aired an d supplied with am ple p rovisions.” 57 C o n te m p o ra ry C h ristian
52 F i t z 1 9 5 6 b , 8 - 9 . 33 He g y i 1 9 9 5 , 8 3 . 54 F i t z 1 9 5 6 b , 8 .
55 T h e tr u e s tre n g th o f th e g a rris o n can p ro b a b ly b e d e d u c e d fro m th e to tá l s tre n g th o f th e tw o m ilita ry e le m e n ts (th e sa laried tro o p s a n d th e timar h o ld ers). Cf. H e g y i 1 9 9 5 , 9 3 - 9 4 .
56 B ó n a 1 9 9 7 , 1 7 - 1 8 .
historian s obviously describ ed th e sam e events in a d iffe ren t vein. M artinu s Z eiler notes th a t th e C h ris
tian arm y h ad occup ied th e T urk ish palisade an d food sto reho use, a n d alsó th a t they only a b a n d o n e d it a year later, in Ju ly 1603, after to rch in g it “w ith ou t any reaso n w h atev er” . 58 T h is is alsó co n firm ed by o th e r so urces o fferin g an ex p la n a tio n : B en ed e k Pogonyi/Pogrányi, serving as a h ussar officer d u rin g th e N ádasdy - T h u rz ó cam p aig n, was a p p o in te d castellan o f th e A dony “castellum” in 1602/1603, b ú t since he co n sid ered th e stro n g h o ld to b e weak, he ev a cu ated it. 59 G éza Pálffy has fo u n d d o cu m en ts acco rd in g to w hich, in May 1603, the Hofkriegsrat in V ienna o rd e re d Von A lthan, captain -g en eral o f Esz
tergom , to p re p a re a re p o rt o n the back pay ow ed to th e royal g arriso n at A dony a n d on th e m o n th ly salaries to be paid to th e m.60 T h e 1604 reb u ild in g o f the castle is alsó uncertain since the diplomatic mission led by H e rb erstein , trav ellin g dow n th e D an u b e in 1608/9, only saw deserted villages a n d ru ins betw een Ráckeve a n d D unaföldvár.61
T h e re b u ild in g o f th e castle can be d ated to the early 161 Os: in 1613 its T urkish garrison was again
57 F i t z 1 9 5 6 b , 7.
58 G l ó s z - É l e s z t ő s 1 9 9 7 , 2 0 9 .
59 H . T a k á c s 1 9 7 0 , 1 6 6 ; K á l l a y 1 9 7 9 , 4 3 . M átyás B él alsó m en tio n s th is ( P r o k o p p 1 9 7 7 , 1 1 5 ).
60 Ö s te rre ic h is c h e s S ta atsarch iv , V ie n n a, K rieg sarch iv , P ro - to k o lle des W ie n e r H o fk rieg srate s, Reg. Bd. 2 0 9 , föl. 1 4 0 . I w o u ld h e r e lik e to th a n k G éza Pálffy fó r d ra w in g m y a tte n tio n to th e s e d o c u m e n ts.
61 B ó n a 1 9 9 7 , 19 .
Ne w Fi n d i n g s i n t h e Re s e a r c h o f Tu r k i s h Pa l i s a d e si n Fe j é r Co u n t y 1 1 9
A nother im p ortant event in the history o f the palisade occurred d u rin g the 1661 a u tu m n cam paign led by Batthyány an d Souches when the Chrisdan forces again b u rn t the palisade.64 Evlia Qelebi an d O tte n d o r f f - who visited the region in 1663 - b o th describe the rebuilt palisade. In his account, Evlia claims th a t the g arrison was 500 stro n g (probably a n o th e r o f his exaggeraüons), and that it was com m anded by the bölük aga.6'0 T h e cavalry battle fought u n d e r the palisade in Ju ly 1684 - com m em o rated by a G erm án engraving discussed above (111. 3) - was a foretaste o f the liberadon w ar two years later: d u rin g this attem p t to liberate nam es in 1559 refutes the succession of the two names, th e re lo cad o n o f th e palisade to a n o th e r site is a
111. 5. O tte n d o r f f ’s d ra w in g o f th e A dony palanka
T h e sev enteenth-century sources offer an entire- ly d iffe ren t p ictu re. B oth Evlia (Jelebi a n d O tte n d o rff ag ree th a t the to p o g ra p h y d iffered considera- bly.7’ I lieir diaries an d O tte n d o rff’s d raw in g (111. 5) reveal th a t th e palisade stood directly beside the D an u b e “o n a w ide p iain ”, as Evlia (Jelebi describes it. H e weaves intő his im aginative acco u n t o f th e castle’s foundation the story o f how Sultan Süleym an crossed o ver to C sepel (Kuvin) Islan d . A ltho ug h D ernschw am characterised the castle as lying am on g the hills n e a r P entele, the sev e n te en th -ce n tu ry p ali
sade lay fu rth e r to the n o rth , closer to Ercsi. O tte n d o rff designates it as being a fo u r-h o u r jo u rn e y from
T h e palisade lay on the floodplain extending betw een Ercsi an d th e hills o f S zentm ihály-puszta - rin g ed by th e hills o f th e M ezőföld loess p latea u in th e west - several kilom etres away from any hill th at could be identified with D ernschw am ’s o r Pigafetta’s descrip- don. A ccording to G eneral H asslingen’s o rd e rs book from 1687,77 “th e artillery troo ps m arched ah e ad o f th e pack anim als, on th e ro a d w indin g alo n g th e D anube. [...] T h e te rra in betw een Ercsi a n d A dony is p iain, trav ersed by a riv er w h ere th e islands e n d th a t th e in fan try was u n ab le to ford , b ú t h ad to take a d e to u r tow ards th e palisade to th e righ t. [...] A fter A dony we again fo u n d m arsh lan d . [...] N őt far from it a stream with a stone b rid g e ru n s intő th e D anube.
[...] We alsó m arc h ed th ro u g h a n arro w gorge, in a valley rin g e d by high hills on b o th sides. [...] We m arc h ed th ro u g h p lain lan d to P en tele.” T h e 1686 m ap show ing th e m arc h in g ro u te o f th e arm y a n d th e to p o g rap h y o f th e a re a in question b o th confirm th at th e gorge reach ed by th e arm y halfway betw een A d on y a n d P en tele is id en tical w ith th e pass at Szentmihály-puszta. T h e m o dern road leading to Pécs leaves the D an u b e floodplain b e g in n in g at Ercsi at this very p oint. (A com parison with th e course o f the R om án limes ro a d is m ost instructive, rev ealin g the c o n tin u ity o f its u s e .78) T h e iden tificatio n o f th e islands m en tio n ed by H asslingen can alsó co n trib u te to th e localization o f th e palisade. T h ese islands are in d icated o n b o th th e 1688 m ap an d O tte n d o r f f ’s draw in g (Ills 4 -5). T h e m o re so u th erly island has d isa p p e a re d by now, b ú t th e n o rth e r n o n e is m ost probably identical with N agysziget (“Big Isla n d ”) at Adony, an d th e ferry (Lórév) to Csepel Island can be fo u n d at its S ou thern tip.
75 K a r á c s o n 1985, 2 4 3 -2 4 4 ; H e r m a n n 1943, 4 0 -4 1 . 76 Gl ó sz - Él e s z t ő s 1997, 209, 334.
77 S z i t a 1987, 1 8 3-185.
78 Visy 2 000, m ap 19. In his d e sc rip tio n o f Adony, E lek F é nyes m e n tio n s v a rio u s R o m án ru in s a n d alsó n o te s th a t
“th e re was a r o a d w in d in g alo n g th e D an u b e th a t, a lth o u g h b u ilt 1800 y ears ago, was still in ta c t in so m an y places th a t th e c o u n ty k e p t it.” Fé n y es 1851, I. 11.
Ne w Fi n d i n g s i nt h e Re s e a r c h o f T u r k i s h Pa l i s a d e s i n Fe j é r Co u n t y 1 2 1 Révjárás (“Ferry”), as can still be seen from the traces.”
T h e m em ory o f th e two palisades was thus p reserved seventeenth cen tu ry.81 A ccording to Evlia £elebi, “it is a re c ta n g u la r, s tro n g castle en clo sed w ith in a the houses, a re enclosed by high posts.” His draw ing (111. 5) only depicts o n e g ate for th e town a n d one castle alsó functioned as a supply base, th e claim that
“it contains a m ilitary arsenal, storehouses an d gra- naries” is wholly credible. T h e d ata co ntained in the 1613 p ay roll, 82 assertin g th at th e in hab itants o f the castle alsó inclu ded th re e paid perso ns for a piacé o f w orship, m ake Evlia’s claim th a t th e re was a cami wholly plausible. (H e m entions vineyards an d gar- dens, too.) O tten d o rff m akes special reference to the w aterm ills on th e D anube. constructed a ro u n d a medieval ruin. Two suggestions have been m ade for th e identification o f this ru in:
Qelebi’s an d O tte n d o rf f’s acco unts o f a d ry ditch. seventeenth-century sources o n A dony since th e re is no obvious link betw een th em . W h a t is im p o rta n t is perh ap s been a prehistoric settlem ent site with a good strategic location. However, fu rth e r field surveys are slope o f Adony-Szőlőhegy. T h e coin types suggest that th e h o a rd h ad been h id d e n in the laté 1550s; it was
Ne w Fi n d i n g si n t h e Re s e a r c h o f Tu r k i s h Pa l i s a d e s i n Fe j é r Co u n t y 1 2 3 som edm e after the Fifteen Years War. His suggesdon is co n firm ed by a little-know n source. In a re p o rt describing his diplom atic m ission to B uda addressed to the Palatine Miklós Eszterházy a n d w ritten in July 1627, G á sp á r Tassi m en tio n s th a t “th e c o m m a n d e r from B osnia-H erzegovina) settled in th e viliágé. 103
T h e com position o f the 87-strong garrison record- ed in th e pay ro ll o f 1628/29 in d icates a s tro n g S outhern Slav elem ent (müstahfizes an d ulufeci suvaris, as well zsazabs). In 1644 th ere were nine Serbs, from the viliágé, serving as salaried troops in the castle. 104 As far as I know, th e re are no pub lish ed d ata on the
111. 8. M ap su p p le m e n t fro m C h a rle s o f L o r r a in e ’s cam p aig n diary, sho w in g th e Ercsi p alisad e, m istakenly in sc rib e d “A d o n y ” (7 S e p te m b e r 1686)
castle. T h u s, th e only com parative m aterial is Evlia (Jelebi’s in fo rm atio n th a t in 1663 th e g arriso n was
2 0 0 strong, a n u m b er that seems slightly exaggerated in th e light o f th e g a rriso n ’s stren g th in 1628/29. It is interesting that the garrison alsó h ad topgis in 1628/
29, although no m ention is m ade o fartillery in 1663.
T h e various d o cum ents relatin g to the p alisade’s construction (purchases o f stakes an d o th e r tim ber), b eg in n in g with 1642,105 m ark an im p o rta n t perio d in the architectural history o f the palisade. A H aidu k
T h e various d o cum ents relatin g to the p alisade’s construction (purchases o f stakes an d o th e r tim ber), b eg in n in g with 1642,105 m ark an im p o rta n t perio d in the architectural history o f the palisade. A H aidu k