SPEECH AT MANCHESTER

Ladiesand gentlemen, in.your expectations to hear from me an eloquent speech I verymuch fearyouwill be disappointed—disappointed, because since my arrival in EnglandI have been so much occupiedwith thesympathy of thepeople of England, that I could notfind sufficient time toprepare aneloquent speech, even carefullypre­

pared in words; for in. England, where every word is caught by the press—that mother and guardian ofall progress—every word should be weighed,and carefully weighed, byany man in my position. [Cheers.] Secondly, you will be disappointed, because I haveto follow the eloquentspeechwhich you have heard, before which I can only incline in respect. Andlastly, you will be disappointed, because, although I may beeloquent inmy ownlanguage, when I want to give inspiration to those who hear me, I try to get inspiration from you. [Hear.] Therefore, eloquence will not be found in my humble speech; I therefore claim yourindulgenceto excuse anyde­ fects in my language. Itwas saidofone of the kingsofEpirusthat he once sent a messenger to Rome, whoreported to hismaster,onhis return, that he had seen a city of kingswhere every man was as muchasin Epirus the king himself was. Since I havebeenin England, Ihave seenpublic opinionpronounced in sucha voicethat Iam reminded of that whichLord Brougham once said,that now and then in thewords of the people thethunder of the Almighty was heard. [Cheers.] The greeting which I received at Southampton wasvery dear to my heart, and having received addresses from all partsof England, I have been able to form someideaof the peopleof Eng­ land ; and after thedemonstrations of London, of Birmingham, andof Manchester, I may say the public opinion of England has proclaimed to the oppressed nations of Europe, be ofgood cheer. [Applause.] Ihave had experience enoughin public life toknow that public opinion, aspronounced by thepeople ofEngland, in that class of which I am one of the humble representatives,may be dissimulated as a whole-—it may, perhaps,be jeeredat heartily,butat last obeyed it must be—[Cheers]—because England is a constitutional country, andin aconstitutional country public opinion isac­

knowledged, by law and by rightto give a direction to the proceedingsof the Govern­ mentand Parliament. Iknow what power public opinion might have a right toclaim inthis glorious land; and, becauseI knowit,I may bepermitted to say that I cannot thank the people of England—I cannotthankthe people of Manchester for their aid in the causeof humanity inmyownname ; but Ithank them inthe name of oppressed nations. Since my arrival on England’shappy shores,I havehad a continual oppor­

tunity ofwitnessingthe pronouncing of that public opinion in respect toaquestion

the solutionof which is ostensibly marked out by Providence to beatest of ourtime

—a question whichwilldecidethe fate of mankind for centuries. The question is none ofscanty and partial interest, it is none of noble commiseration for themisfortunes of individuals or of country, but itis a question ofuniversal interest, in which every Country, every people, is equallyinterested. (Cheers.) There may be a. difference as tothe succession oftime in which the oneor the othernation may be affected by the unavoidable consequences ofthis question, but affected they really are. Sooner or lateris a mere questionof time; and no nation, no country,however proud its posi­

tion maybe, and chiefly none withinthe boundary of the Christian familyand of European civilization, canavoid sharing the consequencesof this comprehensive ques­ tion, whichwill be the permanent fate of humanity. (Hear, hear, hear.) I need scarcely say thatthis is a comprehensivequestion—Whether Europe shall beruled by the principles of freedomor the principles of despotism. (Criesof “ Freedom.”) To bring home ina practical way to your generous hearts that ideaof freedom, the ques­ tion is, whether Europe shallbe ruled by theprinciple of centralization or bythe prin­ ciple ofself-government, because self-government is freedom, and centralizationis ab­ solutism. (Hear, hear.) Shall freedom die away for centuries, and mankind become nothing more than ablind instrumentfor the ambitionofsomefew? Shallthe brand of servitude be written onthe brow of humanity? 0 woe, ten thousand woes, to every nation which, confident in its proud position, regards with carelessnessthe com­

prehensive struggle of this great principle! It is the mythical struggle between heaven and hell. To be blessedorto bedamned isthe fate ofall. Thereis no transi­ tion between heaven and hell, Woe tenthousand-fold to every nation which would notembrace within itssorrowsandits cares the future,butonly the passing moment of the present time. Asthe sun looms through the mist before he rises, so the spirit of the future is seen in the eventsof the present day. There are some who endeavor to counteract the demonstrations of sympathywhichI have thehonor tomeet by the narrow circle ofpersonality. They would' fain make believe that there is nothing more in this demonstration than a matter of fashion—a transitory ebullition of popular feeling,passing awaylike a momentary bubble, or atmostatributeof appro­ bation to the behaviorof a gallant people in a great cause, and of consolation toits unmerited misfortunes. But 1 say it is not so. I say that the very source of thisdemonstration is the instinctive feeling of the people that thedestiny of man­ kind is come to the turning-point for centuries. It is themanifestation of theinstinct of self-preservation raised by an instinctive knowledgeof the feet that the decisivestrug­ gle inthe destiniesof Europe is so near,and that nopeople, no country, can remain unaffected bythe issue of this struggle. A great writer tellsusthat the despotic Go­ vernmentsof Europe have becomeweak, the despotic Governments feel their ap­

proaching deathnear,and that they willgo to their rest, andIhopethis strugglewill bethe last in mankind’s history. (Hear, hear.) That is the stateof thecase, asI conceive it. Itis not my individuality—it is not mypresence which has roused any new sentiment, any new feeling. I am nothing but the opportunity which elicited the hiddenspark—the opportunity which brings instinctiveapprehension of approach­

ingdanger toall nations. It was a ground ofalarm, or else how can the sophist

ex-SPEECH AT MANCHESTER. 61 plain the fact ofth»universalityofthis demonstration, not restricted to mypresence, not restrictedto climate, not restricted to the singularcharacter of a people, orof a so­

ciety’s organization, but spreading through the world likethe pulsation of aheart, like thespark ofan electric battery. Thenumerousaddresses, full of the most generous sentiments, which I have been honored with inEngland, are the effect of my presence here. I have kindled a spark amonga great people. From the metropolis of the world down to the solitary hamlet, the people all join in the sameview, and I humbly entreat you to consider that this feeling is notrestricted even to England itself. The gloriousRepublic of theUnited States, Italy, France, the noble-minded English garri­ son in Gibraltár, the warm-heartedPortuguese, havejoined inthese views; and onthe very day when a deputation came to England to honor me with the greetings of Bel­ gium, that lofty monument of the love offreedom and ofits indomitable force,Igot the knowledge of a similar demonstration in Sweden. Is this an accident? Is this fashion? Is thispersonal? What have I inme,in my person, in my present,in my future, to justify, to explain, this universality of demonstration ? Nothing; not en­

tirely nothing,only the knowledgethat I ama friend to freedom—the friend of the people. I am nothing but the opportunity of the manifestation of the instinctive feeling of many nations that the dragonof oppression draws pear, and that the St.

George ofliberty is ready to wrest with him. (Cheers.) How can Istatethat the struggleis sonear ? I state it because it is so. Every manknows it—everyman feels it—every man sees it. A philosopher wasoncequestioned how he could prove the existence ofGod? ttWhy,”, says he,,w byopeningmy eyes. God isseen every where

—in the growth of thegrass and in the movement of the stars, in the warblingof the lark and in the thunder of heaven.” Even so I prove that the decisive strugglein mankind’sdestiny draws near. I appeal to thesight of your eyes—I appeal ta the pul­

sation of your hearts—I appeal to the judgmentof your minds. You knowit—you see it—youfeel it—thatjudgment is drawingnear. Howblind are those menwho have the affectation to believe,or at .least to assert, that itis only certain men who push on the revolutions of the continentofEurope, which, but for these revolutionary parties, would be quiet and contented. (Laughter.) With what ? With oppression and servitude. (Hear,hear.) France, contented with its constitution, turned into a pasquinade; Germany, contentedwith beingbuta foldof sheep, pent up to be shorn by some dirty petty tyrants—(cheers)—Switzerland, contented with the threatening ambition of encroaching despots ; Italy, contented with the Kingof Naples;—(laughter)

—orwith the priestly GovernmentofRome, theworst of inventions; Austria, Bohe­

mia, Croatia, Dalmatia,contented withbeingdriventobutchery, after having been de­

ceived, oppressed, and laughed at as fools; Poland, contented with being murdered;

Hungary, mypoor Hungary,contented with being more thanmurdered[—buried alive, because it isalive. [Loud and repeatedcheers.] What Ifeel isbut aweakpulsation of thatfeeling which in the breast of my nation beats. Prussia contented with sla­ very—Venice, Flansburgh,Lombardy, Pesth, Milan, Venice, Breslau, contented with having been bombarded, burnt, plundered, sacked,and its population butchered;and halfof the empire contentedwith the scaffold, the hangman, and the prison; with hav­

ing nopolitical rights,butwith having paidinnumerablemillionsfor the highly

bene-ficial purposeof being kept in serfdom. [Hear.]' That isthe condition of the Euro­

pean continent. Andis it notridiculoustosee and hear men talk of individuals dis­

turbing the tranquillityof Europe ? Why are there no revolutionary movements in England? Why is there tranquillityandpeacein England andBelgium? Because you want no revolution[cheers]—-because you are insured by your institutions, your publicspirit, thatwhatever here inEngland is requisite tóbedone-^-becauseno human thingis perfect—itwillbe done. [Loud cheers.] I would like tosee tbe man who would stand up here in England to make a revolution. (Laughter.) But,on the con­

tinent of Europeon the greatest part at least—ye tyrantsof theworld, ye havede­

stroyedits peace and tranquillity■—ye have shaken the very foundationsof it, and it will not, it cannot be restored until ye are hurled down to annihilation,ye sworn enemies ofmankind,freedom,dignity,and welfare. Only let us cast back a look to the gigantic warwhich against Napoleon wasfought. The promiseof freedom brought the nations into the fight. Afterwards came the Congressof Vienna, where the ambitious masters of the worlddisposedofmankindlikecattle herds; but even there the inter­

ference of England in the settlementwasa guarantee to mankind for some constitution­ al life at least; and even your Castlereaghs were wiseenough nottoabandonEurope tooppression. The constitutional life and existence of Poland, and of many other na­

tions, were guaranteed. But where is Poland now ? Whereis constitutional Europe now ? Andhereiwould put thequestion to thevery statesmen of England whobe­

longto the most retrograde school, Is the presentconditionof Europe that for which the people of England shed their blood in torrents, spent innumerable millions, for whichyou are taxed evennow to pay the interestof those millions ?' Oppression went on. The promisesof the despotsturnedout tobe perjurious falsehoods. ' Francebe­ stirreditself, and the despotstrembled and' hushed the nation tosleep in newpromises, new engagements,new lies. (Cheers.) Oh, how humble theywere in thosedays ! I haveseen some ofthem—I haveweighed themin this very hand of mine. Formerly theybrokeonly theirword. They weresaved by arms from the consequence of their sworn oath, and every tie 'was broken, every sentiment violated. Prayers to God were mingled with curses against the despots,andEurope’s oppressednationsshook their chains, and weeping millions deplore their presentcondition. Thisis the present stateof the Europeancontinent—at least ofthe greater part; and stillthere are men speaking of regard to these despots, whilstthey are silentupon theduties towards hu­

manity—speakingabout the danger of offending tyrants, while they are silent about the danger of disregarding the conditionof ipankind. Butthe people of Englandhave notdisregarded. The people of Englandinstinctively feel that we are on the eveof a day when liberty ordespotismmustbe crushed down; thepeople of Englandfeelthat thecause of freedom is in intimate connection with the principle of freedom onthe European continent; thepeople ofEngland feel that it ie only the solidarityof nations which caninsure humanity againstthe solidarityOf despotism; and it is ofthese things my humble self has been bya ruling Providencechosen to furnish an opportunity, And whyis it? The reasonis this: I havein some measure the honor torepresent the causeofHungary. It isRussian interference in Hungary which put the bond of serfdom on the neck ofEurope—it isthe unmerited fidl of my nation which brought

8PEECH AT MANCHESTER. 63

home to your minds, and those ofother nations,the idea that,if not soon opposed by theprinciple offreedom, the moment is drawing near when Europe will''be almost Cossack. (Hear, hear.) You mustbeaware of the circumstances that theindependence of Hungary is the bulwark against Russian preponderance on the Continent; and I begyou tobeaware that what the peoplefeel instinctivelyis, that thecause of Hun­

gary is theincarnation of a principleof self-government Which can exist no longer in Europe without the independence of Hungary. These are themotives whichI have giventhe opportunityof being manifestedby so many nations of the earth. I wasanx­ ious toestablish this point, in order that I maynot be charged with importunity when I here presume to ask the people of England whatis the practical meaning of this sympathy. I feeltoo anxious to establishthis view, that the cause of Hungary,for which Ihumbly askyourprotection, isnot an olyect of generous commiseration, but a questionof European interest; andhere I cannotforbear toquote the opinionof one of thegentlemen of the DemocraticParty—oneof the futurecandidates for the presi- . dency of the UnitedStates. Mr. Walker on that occasion said:—[The honorable gentleman then quoted theopinion expressed by Mr. Walker, the American Consul,at Southampton,on the occasion of the banquet given in that town, on the subject of non­ intervention, of which he expressed hishighand perfect approval.] I askwith con­

fidence, what willbe the practical issue of this sympathy pf the people ofEngland ? Ihave reason to look with particular interest to Manchester in respect to the solution of- this question. Manchester is a young city. In1720 itwas a village with 24,000 inhabitants, and nowit is the first manufacturing city in the world, with nearlyhalf a million. It is glorious to have an old age in countriesand.cities, and to outlivethe Vicissitudes ofcenturies, but itis no small gloryto havegrown up to be a giant in a short period. To you I lookfor a practicalresultin thisrespect. My second reason is, because Manchesterand Liverpoolform the mostpowerful link betweenEngland and the United States. Commerce is the locomotive ofprinciples. [Loud cheers.]

Your gloriousdistinction isto frame the spirit of the public opinion with that of the United States, for thepurpose of uniting the policyofboth countries with respect to Europe. Thatunion, I say with thedeepestpossible conviction, willbe the turning-point in the destiniesof Europe. .Englandand the UnitedStates, united in theirpoli­

cy, cannotbut side with freedom. There is one point on which I most humbly expect the support of Manchester, and that city which is in most intimate connection With the United States. When I go to the United Stateswithin the nextfew days, it willbe my duty totryand promote that union. I have some hope, with your generous aid, tosucceed; first, because there is in. the UnitedStates already a great party which professtounite with Englandin her policy towards the world; secondly, becausethe fate of Hungary hadalready contributed to strengthen the feelings of brotherhood,' both countries having united in rescuing me out of captivity;and I may thereforesay that the first link in that union is already made; andthirdly, because alldepends upon atrue and exact definition. Weare told that, in the United States, non-intervention is a rulingprinciple in European matters. I say, very wise were those men who es-. tablishedthatprinciple,and very wise were those whofollowed it. But neitherthoee

■ who established that principle—neither thosethatfollowedit—ever meant that the

United Stateshad nothingtodo and nothingtoregard as to humanity—that their principle was non-intervention—that is,the recognition and acknowledgmentof the undoubted right of every,nation to regulate her oWn domestic affairs; and the United States have declared it not right to interfere with the affairs of other

United Stateshad nothingtodo and nothingtoregard as to humanity—that their principle was non-intervention—that is,the recognition and acknowledgmentof the undoubted right of every,nation to regulate her oWn domestic affairs; and the United States have declared it not right to interfere with the affairs of other