OnMonday, the WorkingClasses of London formeda processionand waited upon Kossuth according to appointment. In front of Copenhagen House, a scaffoldinghad beenerected from which headdressed them. Thenumber presentisestimatedby The Times at 24,000. As Kossuth made his appearance, hewas greeted with enthusiastic applause. The addressof the Working Classes was then read by Mr.Pettik. The writer of the addresswish’ed it tobe placed on record, that had thewishes of the work
ing classes received governmental aid, “ the interventionof Russia would not have been met aloneby protests upon paper,but upon the field of action by the forceof British arms.” The entire meritof Kossuth’s release wasalsogiven to theUnited States.
kossuth’S speech inreply.
M.Kossuth, having received the address, which was inscribed on vellum, pressed it tohisbreast,and then made the followingreply:
u Gentlemen—I most warmlythank youfor your generous sentiments of active and operative sympathy with the freedom and independence of my nativeland, so closely connected—as you have rightly judged—with the freedom and independence ofother nations on the European continent, [Cheers.] It is to me highly gratifying to know that a largepart of the present meeting belongs to the working classes. [Cheers.]
Itis gratifying tome, because, if to belong to the working classesimpliesaman whose livelihood depends on hisowrfhonestand industrious labor, then none among you has moreright tocall himself a working man than Iso to call myself. I inherited no
thing from my dearfather,andI havelived my wholelife bymy ownhonest and in dustrious labor. [Cheers.] Thismy condition I consider to have beenmy first claim to my people’sconfidence, because well they knew, that being in that condition, I mustintimately know the wants, the sufferingsand.the necessities of the people.
And so assuredly it was. It is, therefore,that I sopractically devotedmy life to pro
cureand to secure political and social freedom to mypeople,notto a race, not to a class, but to the whole people; besides,Idevoted all my life for many years to the practical means of associations, to extendthe benefit of public instructionto the work
ingclasses,andto forward the material welfareof the agriculturalists, of the manufac
turers, and of the trading men. [Cheers.] Among all the enterprises to that effect of that timeof my life,when I was yetin no public office,but a private man, there is none to which Ilook back withmore satisfaction and pride than to the association for
4
the encouragement of manufacturingindustry-—to its free schools, to its exhibitions, to its pressand to its affiliations. Besides conferring immense material benefits,it proved also politicallybeneficialby bringing in closer contact andmorefriendlyrela
tions tbe different classes of my dear native land, by interesting the workingclasses inthe publicpolitical concerns ofour nation, andbyso developing a stronglyunited publicopinion to support me in mychief aim, whichwas, conserving the municipaland constitutional institutions of my country—to substitute for the privileges of single classes thepolitical emancipation of thewhole people, andsubstitutingfreedomtoclass privileges—toimpart tothe people the facultyofmaking the constitution a common benefit toall:forall—in a word, to transformthe closed hall of class-privileges into an opentemple of the people’sliberty. [Loudcheers.J This being myearlyconnec
tion with the working classes, I had at Southampton, already occasion to say, that among allthegenerous testimonials of English sympathy which honor me and my nation’s past struggles, Which console our present sufferings,and assure ourfuture, there is nonedearer to myheartthan whenIsee thatthose classes, whose only capital is their honest laborandtheirtime, stop intheir work and sacrifice that valuable time for the purpose, openlyandresolutely, ofexpressingthat the great principlesof free
dom canreckonupon thesympathies, the cooperation, andthe support of the people of England. [Cheers.] In the streets, of London,a fewdays ago,and here on the present occasion, this great phenomenonpresents itself, on a still larger scale,in a stillhigher degree; the more itis therefore gratifying to me, and consoling tomy coun
try,the more have I the pleasurable duty to acknowledge thehigh value of it, andto thank you the more fervently for it. I said atSouthampton that in these demonstra
tions of the operativeclasses Irecognize that natural instinct of the people, before which every individual greatness must bow down with respect. [Cheers.] The same acknowledgment I haveto make on thisoccasion, only on a larger scale, and in a higher degree. Allow me, first,tocongratulateyouon the attentionwhich you have hereby proved thatyou devote topublicmattéra, to the glory aswell as to the inter ests of your country, andto the freedomand interests of humanity. May this public
•pirítnever decrease I May everyEnglishman forever feel thatitis the basis of all constitutional organization, be itunder arepublicanor a monarchical form; that it is the public opinion of thepeople which mustgivedirection to the policy ofthe coun try, andthat it is, therefore,notonly the right, but also the duty, of every honestciti
zen toContribute tothe developmentandexpressionof that public opinion, of which the legislativeaswellas theexecutive authoritiesare, and must be,faithful represen tatives. Allow me, secondly,to congratulate you on the justand happy instinctwith which, bestowing your attention on publicconcerns, you have seized the very point which reallyis themost importantamongallin which the mind and heartof English mencan be interested. , That point is the freedomof the European Continent. I said itin tbeCommonCouncil of thecity ofLondon, I repeat it here; there is noneamong
your internal questions whichoutweighs in importance the external. [Cheers.] And how may be summed up the externalinterestof the British Empire on the European Continent ? It is to be summed upin this question: By which principleshall the Continent of Europe be ruled—by the principle of freedom orby the principle of
SPEECH AT THE DEMONSTRATION OF WORKINOMEN. 51 absolutism ? Can England, or can it not, remain indifferent to the approaching strug gle and finaldecision of thisquestion?-and, if it cannot remain indifferent without losing its position in theworld,endangering itsown freedom,and hurting its own in
terests,with which principleshallEnglandside—with the principleof freedom or the principle of aggression ? Shallit support the rights,freedomand happiness ofnations, or the oppressive combinations of arbitrary Governments ? [Cheers.] That is the question^-a questionthe moreurgent and the more important that (t.e. because) no man of whatsoever party can dissimulate,stilllessdeny, that the situation of France, of Italy,ofGermany,of Austria, of Hungary, of Poland, and of Russia, is so unnatu
ral, so contrary to the human and national interests of the respective people, that it is utterly impossible it can endure. .Yes, no man can dissimulate the convic tion that France, Italy, Germany, Austria and Hungary, arealready on the eve of those dayswhen the great,and I hope the final battleofthese adverseprinciples will be fought out [Loudcheers.] Now, thepeople of Great Britain, byits loudly pro claimed sympathy with the causeoffreedom andindependenceof Hungary, has pro nounced itselfwilling not to remain indifferent, and to side notwith absolutism, but with liberty, by supportingand protecting against all interference of foreign Gov ernments the sovereign right of every nation to dispose of itself. You your
selves have pronounced bythis demonstrationand by yourgenerousaddress in fa vor ofthis principle; so, thanking youmostfervently for it,I beg leave tocongratu
late you on the sound judgmentand on thecomprehensive viewsyou give andthat youentertainon the duties of England toward Europe, andon the proper interests of England itself. You have rightfullyconsidered that the freedomof England,and that happy condition which you feel assured that your institutions,yourfreedom and your public spirit, will go on peacefully developing-—morally, materially and politically—thatall this is intimatelyconnected with the victoryof the principle of freedom on theEuropean Continent. In a word, you have pronounced for that truth I since in England, ou no occasionhave omitted to express, viz.: that thereisa com
munity in theprinciple offreedom and there is an identity in thedestinies of humani ty. [Loud cheers.] Besides, youhave dulyconsideredthat the material welfar^of Great Britain is also in the highestdegree dependent on, and connected with, the vic tory of the principleof freedominEurope. And truly itis so. Onseveral occasions I havediscussed already this important topic, and will do so moreamply yet on another occasion. Here I beg onlyleave to state briefly afewplain facts. You liveby honest labor. You have yourmanufacturedproducts to dispose of, for which you want large free markets andfree trade. [Great cheering.] Now, it is as obvious asthat two and two make four, that without Europe becoming free, England can have no free trade with Europe. I will show you by stating the facts, that the amount of trade with absolutist Russia and Austriais7d. per head, whereasthe amount of trade of Englandwith a free country, with the republic of the United Statesof America, is 7s.
perhead. What a difference! Absolutismgivesto your trade and industry a market of 7d.perhead, freedomgives amarket of 7s. per head I [Loud cheers.] Is not the freedomofEngland, then, > question of vital interest to you ? Let us look to the con-sequencer. Supposethe price ofthe breadwhichone of yoncoaw» be£3or £4
upon this priceyou have, by the repeal ofthe Corn laws,probably not gained more than from 45s. to £1. Certainly a great benefit. But suppose the 120,000,000 who inhabit Russia, Austria,Italy andHungary to become free, and, being free, toconsume as muchofyourmanufactures as the UnitedStates (though in parthighly manufactur
ing themselves) consume per head;that would give a market of atleast £60,000,000 sterling toEngland, which would prove a benefit of £2or £3a year per lead to you.
I will not, withmyaching chest, dwell further upon this subject now, butwillcheer- fully acknowledge thatyou were animatediff thisnobledemonstrationby higher mo
tives—bysuchgenerous sentiments asbetokenthe noblest feelings, and by that moral dignityof man which is therevelationof mankind’sdivineorigin. You say, inyourkind address, that it is the brotherhood of thepeople in which rests thehope of civiliza tion, of our progress inthe peaceful arts, and of the free development of man’B noblest faculties. Now, these are noble sentiments, told in noble words. Ithankyouthat you have expressed sonobly what I feel so warmly. It ismy heartfelt creed. You saythat in the brotherhood ofpeople is the certainty of success in resisting the en
croachments of despotic power. Truly, it is so; take the interference of Russia in Hungary, of the French Governmentin Rome, of Austria in Romagna and Schleswig-Holstein, and of Austria and Russia in Hesse-Cassel, whichmade only the most loyal, the most moderate, the most lawful opposition to the Absolutist encroachments of its petty tyrant,and yet wascrushed by Austro-Russian arms—take allthis together,and thefact is clear that the despotisms are leagued against the freedomof the world, so that thereis nohope against them but inthe brotherhood of people headed and pro
tectedbyEngland and the United States of America, by uniting in the principleof acknowledgment of the natural rights of every nation todispose ofitself,and uniting fn the principle notto admit any interferenceofwhateverforeignpower in the do mesticconcernsof whatever nation againstitsownwill. [Loud cheers.) By taking such a view of the brotherhood of people you are the interpreters ofmy most warm desires, andbyassuring meto hope and tobe resolved for the future, thatRussian in
tervention inthe domestic concerns of whatevercountryshall by England not be per mitted more. By thisyou have anticipated all that I, in my humble quality ofa representativeof the principles of freedom, in the name of my country, and in the in terestsofall oppressed nations, haveagainandagain entreatedfrom thepeople of Eng landsinceIhave been here. And hereI meet again another noble idea ofyourad
dress, where you saythat the name of mycountry is linked in your prayers and in your hopes with the name ofother nations. Bless youfor that wordI You ennoble myname and mycountry’s by it. Yet you speak truth. The verymoment that Russia first interfered in Hungary our struggles grew to an' European height; we struggled no more for our ownfreedom, ourownindependence, but altogether for the freedomand independence ofthe European Continent. Our cause became the cause of mankind. Mynation became the martyr of the cause ofEuropeanfreedom in the past; ofother nations it will be thefaithful champion ofthat freedom forthefuture.
I,for myown humble part, whom my people and the public opinion of theworld tookfor the personification of my people’ssentiments, I know where myplace is. I know whatduties are entailedupon me. I shallinsure thesympathies of England
SPEECH AT THE DEMONSTRATION OF WORKINGMEN. 53 by my devotion to my country’s European cause. England will find me faithful to that place and. tothose duties which my people’s confidence have assigned to me;
which foreign violence could hinder me from exercising) but whoselegitimatecharac
ter no violence could destroy/ Let me also hope that,while Hungaryand I are aware of the solidarity of ourcause withthe cause ofEuropeanfreedom and independence, and while Hungary is resolved to stand manfully in itsplace, the other nations, and Englanditself, will notforget that the freedom and independence of Hungary are in
dispensable to the independence ofEurope against Russian encroachment and pre
ponderance,,and so neitherthe other Europeannations nor England will allowRussia again to interfere in order touphold the detested house ofHapsburg, with which, eternally alienated, Hungarywill never, through time, have any transaction, unless to ban it, expulse it, or to hurl it in the dust. [Loudcheers.] Among the nations linkedto mycountryinyourhopesandprayersyour addressespecially namesFrance, Poland, Germany,andItaly. Tobesure,there are someofthoseevents whichmay be scented already ip the air. As toFrance, mysentiments are known—I have de
clared them openly. [Loudcheejs.] I willbe true tothose sentiments; and can onlyadd that iti$ a highly important step inmankind’s destiny to see brotherly loVe between nations so substituted for the unhappyrivalries of oldas to elicit in England also such brotherly welcometo the Frenchaswas seen atthe late great Exhibition, and to elicit suchsentiments inEngland. And so certainly it shouldeverbe. The French nation is great enoughfor the pulsationofits heart to be, and to havebeen al
ways,felt over the greatestpart ofthe European Continent. Till nowit is true that the expectations have never been realized which Europe’s oppressednations had in France, butit must be remembered that theFrench nation has fallen short in the re
alization ofits own domestic hopes also. It would, therefore, be unjust to make a reproach ofthat which was amisfortune, whichthey themselvesdeploy most deep ly. I attributetheir mischance to the unfortunate propensity tocentralization which the French nation during all its trials conserved—centralization, which leadseverto the oppression of liberty—centralization, with which the guarantees of liberty rest rather uponpersonalities than upon principles. And when an omnipotence ofpower iscentered, be it inone manorin one assembly,that man must beaWashington,or that assembly be composed ofWashingtons,not to become ambitious, and,through ambition, dangerous to liberty. Now, Washingtonsare not sothickly sown asto be gathered up every where for the reaping. [Hear,hear.] I would, however, solemn
ly protest, should whatever nation attemptto meddle in the domestic concerns of my fatherland; so, of course, I cannot have the arrogant pretension ofmixingwith the domesticconcernsof whatever other nation, and, least ofall,of the great French na tion, which is powerful enough tocome, atlast triumphantly out of itstrials and suf
ferings. I have only the warm wish and hope that the gloriousFrenchnationwill soon succeed inmaking that which is now but a name, the Republic, [great cheering,]
a reality, and will succeed soon inachievingthat work so as to see upon thebasis of common liberty established the contentmentof the people, and, secured by that con
tentment, alasting social order, which cannot fail to be secured when it is founded upon liberty, butwhich, without liberty,is impossible; and, secondly, I hope that the
greatFrench nation, in caseit realizesthe name which it bears, will not forget that it isto her, to England, and to the United States,tocheck the encroachingspirit of ab
solutism wherever it should dare to threaten the independence of nationsand their right to dispose of themselves. That is what oppressedhumanityexpects from the French Republic,as well as fromEngland and the United States. As for Poland,that sadmartyrto the mostsacrilegious of ambitions, it is enough to say that Poland and
solutism wherever it should dare to threaten the independence of nationsand their right to dispose of themselves. That is what oppressedhumanityexpects from the French Republic,as well as fromEngland and the United States. As for Poland,that sadmartyrto the mostsacrilegious of ambitions, it is enough to say that Poland and