,>r—.
Chevalier J. G. Hulsemann tothe Secretary of State:
[Translation.] Austrian Legation,Washington, Sept. 30,1850.
The undersigned, Charged’Affairesofhis Majestythe Emperor ofAustria, has been instructed to make the followingcommunication to the Secretaryof State:
As soon as the Imperial Government became aware of the fact thata United States agent had been dispatched to Vienna, with orderstowatch for a favorablemoment to recognize theHungarian Republic, and to concludea treatyofcommerce with the same, theundersigned wasdirected to address some confidential butpressing representa tions to the Cabinet of Washington againstthat proceeding which is so muchat va
riance withthoseprinciples of international law, so scrupulously adhered to byAustria at alltimes, andunder all circumstances,towards theUnited States. In fact, howis it possible to reconcile such a missionwith the principles of non-intervention, so formal
lyannounced by theUnited States, as the basis of Americanpolicy, and which had justbeen sanctioned withso muchsolemnity by the President in his Inaugural address
of March 5,1849 ? Was itin return for the friendship andconfidence which Austria hadneverceasedto manifest towards them, that the UnitedStates becameso impatient forthedownfall of the Austrian monarchy, and even sought to accelerate that event by the utterance of their wishesto thateffect ? Those who did not hesitateto assume the responsibility of sending Mr. Dudley Mann onsuchan errand, should, independent ofconsiderations ofpropriety, have borne in mind thatthey were exposing their emis sary to be treated as a spy. It is to be regretted thatthe American government was not better informedas to the actual resources of Austria, and herhistorical persever
ance in defendingherjust rights. Aknowledge ofthoseresourceswould have led to theconclusionthat a contest for a fewmonths duration could neither have exhausted the energies of thatpower,nor turned aside its purposeto put down the insurrection.
Austria has struggled againsttheFrench revolutionfor twenty-five years; the courage andperseverance whichshe exhibitedin that memorable contest have been appreciat
ed by the whole wdrld.
To the urgent representations of the undersigned, Mr. Claytonansweredthat Mr.
Mann’s missionhad no other object in view thanto obtain reliable information as to the true state of affairsin Hungary, by personal observation; this explanation can hardly be admitted, for it says verylittle asto the cause of the anxiety which was felt to ascertain the chances of the revolutionists. Unfortunately? the language in which Mr. Mann’s instructions were drawn,givesus a very correct ideaoftheir scope. This language wasoffensive to the Imperial cabinet, for it designates the Austrian govern
ment as an iron rule, and represents the rebel chiefKossuth as an illustrious man;
while improper expressions are introducedinregardto Russia, theintimate and faith ful allyofAustria. Notwithstanding thesehostile demonstrations, the Imperialcabi net has deemed it proper to preserve a conciliatory deportment,making ample allow
ance for theignorance of thecabinet of Washington on thesubject of Hungarianaf fairs,and its disposition togive credence to the mendacious rumors whichare propa gated by the American press. This extremely painful incident, therefore,might have been passed over,without anywritten evidence being left, on our part,in the archives
•of theUnited States, had notGen. Taylor thoughtproperto revive thewhole sub
jectby communicatingto theSenate, in his message of the 18thof last March, the in
structions with whichMr. Mann had been furnished onthe occasion of his missionto Vienna. The publicitywhich hasbeengiven to that documenthas placedthe
Impe-CORRESPONDENCE WITH CHEVALIER HULSEMANN. 87 rialgovernmentunder the necessity ofentering a formal protest,through its official representative, against the proceedings of the American government, lest that govern mentshould construe oursilence intoapprobation, ortoleration even, of the principles which appear to haveguidedits actionand the means it has adopted.
In view ofall these circumstances, theundersigned has been instructed to declare that theImperial government totally disapproves, andwill alwayscontinue to disap prove, of those proceedings sooffensiveto thelaws of propriety; and that it protests against all interference in the internalaffairsofits government. Having thus fulfilled his duty, the undersigned considers it afortunate circumstance that be has it in his powerto assure the Secretaryof State that the Imperial governmentis disposed to cul
tivaterelations of friendship and good understandingwith the UnitedStates, relations which may have been momentarily weakened, but which couldnotagainbeseriously disturbed withoutplacing the cardinal interests of the two countriesin jeopardy.
Theinstructions for addressingthis communication to Mr. Clayton reached Washing tonat the timeof General Taylor’s death. In compliance with the requisitionsofpro
priety, the undersigned deemedit his duty todefer his taskuntil the newadministra
tion had been completely organized; a delay which he nowrejoices at, as it hasgiven himthe opportunityofascertaining from the new President himself, on the occasion of thereception of thediplomatic corps, thatthe fundamental policyof the United States so frequentlyproclaimed, wouldguide the relations of the American govern mentwith the other powers. Even if the government of the United States were to think it proper totake an indirectpartin the political movements ofEurope,Ameri
can policywould beexposedto, acts of retaliation, andtocertain inconveniences which could not fail to affectthecommerceand the industry of thetwo hemispheres. All coun
tries are obliged,atsome periodor other, to struggle against internal difficulties; all formsofgovernment are exposed to such disagreeable episodes; the UnitedStates have had someexperience in this very recently. Civil war is a possibleoccurrence every where, and theencouragement which is given to the spirit ofinsurrectionandof dis
ordermostfrequently falls back upon those who seek to aidit in itsdevelopments, in spite of justice and wise policy.
Theundersignedavails himself of this occasion to renew to theSecretary ofState the assuranceofhis distinguished consideration.
The undersigned,Secretaryof State of theUnited States, had the honor toreceive, some time ago, the noteof Mr. Hulsemann, Charged’Affairesof his Majesty the Em
perorof Austria, of the 30th September. Causes, not arising from any want of per
sonal regard for Mr. Hulsemann, or ofproper respect for his government,have delayed an answer until the presentmoment. Having submitted Mr. Hulsemann’s letter to the President, the undersigned isnowdirectedby him toreturn the following reply:
Theobjectsof Mr. Hulsemann’s noteare,first, to protest, by orderof his govern ment, against the steps taken by the late Presidentof the United States to ascertain the progress andprobableresult of therevolutionarymovements in Hungary; andsec
ondly, to complain of some expressions in the instructions of the late Secretary of State to Mr. A. Dudley Mann,a confidentialagent of the United States, ascommuni
cated by President Taylor to the Senate,on the 28th ofMarchlast.
Theprincipal groundof protest isfoundedon theidea, orin the allegation, that the government of the United States, by the mission of Mr. Mann,and hisinstructions,
has interferedin the domestic affairsof Austria, in a manner unjust ordisrespectful to ward that power. The President’s message was acommunication made by him to the Senate, transmitting acorrespondencebetween theExecutive government and a confi
dential agent of its own. This would seem to be itself adomestic transaction, a mere instance of intercourse betweenthePresident and the Senate, inthe mannerwhich is usualandindispensable in communications between the differentbranches of the go
vernment. Itwasnot addressed either to Austria or Hungary; nor was it anypublic manifestoto whichany foreign State wascalled on to reply. It wasan accountofits transactions communicated by theExecutive government to the Senate,at therequest ofthat body; madepublic,indeed, but made public only because such is tbe common and usual course ofproceeding; and itmay be regarded assomewhat strange, therefore, that theAustrian cabinet did notperceive that, by the instructionsgiven to Mr.Hulse
mann, it was itselfinterfering with the domestic concerns of a foreignState, the very thing which is the ground of its complaint againsttheUnited States.
Thisdepartment has,on former occasions, informed theministers offoreign powers that a communication from the President to either House of Congress is regardedasa domesticcommunication, of which,ordinarily, noforeign Statehas cognizance; and, in more recent instances, the great inconvenience of making such comrpunications sub jectsof diplomaticcorrespondence and discussion had been fully shown. If it had been tbe pleasure of his Majesty the Emperorof Austria, during the struggles in Hungary, to have admonished theProvisional Governmentor the people of that country against involvingthemselvesin disaster, by following the evilanddangerous example of the United States of America, inmaking efforts for the establishment of independent Go vernments,suchanadmonition from that Sovereign tohis Hungarian subjects wouldnot have originated here a diplomatic correspondence. The President might,'perhaps,on thisground,have declinedto direct any particular reply to Mr. Hulsemann’s note; but,out of properrespectfor the Austrian Government, it has been thought betterto answerthat noteat length; and the more especiallyas the occasionis notunfavorable forthe expression of the general sentimentsof the Governmentof the United States upon the topics which thatnote discusses.
A leading subject in Mr. Hulsemann’s note is that of thecorrespondence between Mr. Hulsemann and thepredecessor of the undersigned, in which Mr.Clayton, by di
rection of the President,informed Mr. Hulsemann u that Mr. Mann’s mission had no other object inview than to obtain reliable information asto thetrue stateofaffairs in Hungary,by personalobservation.” Mr. Hulsemannremarks that“this explanation can hardly be admitted, for itsays very little asto the causeof the anxiety which was felt to ascertain the chances of the revolutionists.” As this, however, is the only pur posewhich canwithanyappearance of truthbeattributed to the agency; asnothing whateveris alleged by Mr.Hulsemann to havebeen eitherdone orsaidby the agent inconsistentwithsuch an object, the undersigned conceivesthat Mr. Clayton’sexpla nation ought to be deemed not only admissible,but quite satisfactory. Mr. Hulsemann states, in thecourse ofhisnote, thathis instructions toaddress his present communica tiontoMr. Clayton, reached Washington about thetimeofthelamented deathof the late President, and that he delayedfrom a sense ofpropriety the execution of histask,
?
TO CHEVALIER HULSEMANN. 89 until the new Administration should be fully organized: u a delay which he now re joicesat,asithasgiven himthe opportunity ofascertainingfrom thepew President himself, on the occasionof the reception of the diplomatic corps, that the fundamental policy of the United States, sofrequently proclaimed,would guide the relations of the AmericanGovernment with other Powers.” Mr.Hulsemannalso observesthat it is in his power to assurethe undersigned “thattheImperial Government isdisposed to cultivate relations of friendship and good understanding with the United States.” The President receivesthis assurance of thedisposition of the ImperialGovernmentwith great satisfaction, and, in consideration of the friendly relations of the two Govern
ments thus mutually recognized, and of the peculiar nature of the incidents by which their good understanding is supposedby Mr. Hulsemannto have been, for a moment, disturbedorendangered, the President regretsthat Mr.Hulsemann didnotfeel him
self at liberty wholly to forbear from the execution of instructions which were of course transmitted from Vienna without any foresight of the stateof things under which they would reaeh Washington. If Mr. Hulsemann saw, in the address of the President to thediplomatic corps,satisfactory pledges of thesentiments and the policy ofthis Government, in regardto neutral rights and neutral duties, it might,perhaps, havebeen better notto bring on a discussionof past transactions. But theundersigned readily admitsthatthiswasa question fit only for the consideration and decision of Mr.Hulsemann himself; and although thePresidentdoes not see that any good pur
pose can be answered by re-opening the inquiry into the propriety of the steps taken by President Taylor,to ascertain the probable issue ofthe late civil war inHungary, justice to his memory requires the undersigned brieflyto re-state the history of those steps, and to show their consistency with the neutral policy which has invariably guided theGovernment of the United States in its foreign relations,as wellaswith the established and wellsettledprinciplesof national intercourse, and the doctrines of publiclaw.
Theundersigned will first observe thatthe President is persuaded His Majesty the Emperor of Austria doesnot think that the Governmentof the United States ought to view, withunconcern, the extraordinaryevents which have occurred, not onlyin his dominions, butinmany other partsofEurope, since February, 1848. The Government and people of the United States, like otherintelligent Governments and communities, take a livelyinterestinthe movements andthe eventsof thisremarkable age, in what
ever part of the worldthey may.be exhibited. But theinterest takenby the United Statesin those events, hasnot proceededfrom any dispositiontodepartfrom thatneu
trality toward foreign Powers, whichis among the deepest principles and the most cherished traditions of thepolitical history of the Union. Ithas been the necessary effectof the unexampled characterof the events themselves, which couldnot fail to 'arrest the attentionof the cotemporary world; as they willdoubtless fill a memorable page inhistory. Butthe undersigned goesfurther, and freelyadmitsthat inpropor tion asthese extraordinary eventsappearedto have theiroriginin those great ideasof responsible andpopulargovernments, onwhichthe American constitutionsthemselves arewholly founded, they could not butcommand the warmsympathy of the people of this country.
Well known circumstances in their history, indeed theirwhole history, have made them the representatives of purely popularprinciplesofGovernment. In this light they nowstand before the world. They could not, if they would,conceal theirchar
acter,their condition, or their destiny. They could not, if they so desired, shut out from the viewofmankind the causes which have placed them, inso short a national career,in thestationwhich they now hold among the civilized Statesof the world.
Theycould not, if they desired it, suppress either the thoughts or the hopes which arise in men’s minds, in other countries, from contemplating theirsuccessfulexample of free government
Thatveryintelligent and distinguished personage,the Emperor Joseph the Second, was among the first to discernthis necessaryconsequence of the AmericanRevolution on the sentiments and opinion^ of the people of Europe. Inalettertohis Minister in the Netherlands in 1787,he observesthat “it is remarkablethat France, by the assist ance which she afforded tothe Americans, gavebirth to reflections on freedom.” This fact, which the sagacityof that monarch perceived atso early aday,is now known and admitted by intelligent powersall overthe world. True, indeed, it is, that the prevalenceon the other continent ofsentiments favorable to republican liberty, is the result of there-action of Americaupon Europe; and the source and center of this re-action has doubtlessbeen, andnow is, in these United States. The position thus belongingto the UnitedStatesis a factas inseparable fromtheirhistory, their constitu tional organization, and their character,as theopposite positionof the powers com posing the European allianceisfrom the history and constitutionalorganization of the governments of those powers. The sovereigns who form that alliance have notun- frequentlyfelt it their right to interfere with the political movements offoreignStates;
and have, in theirmanifestoes and declarations, denounced the popular ideas of the age, in terms socomprehensive asofnecessity to include the United States,and theirforms ofgovernment It iswell known that one of the leading principles announced by the allied Sovereignsafterthe restoration of the Bourbons,is,that all popular or constitu
tional rights are holdén nootherwise than as grants and indulgences from crowned heads. “ Useful and necessary changes in legislation and administration,” saysthe LaybachCircular ofMay, 1841, “oughtonly toemanatefrom the freewill and intel ligent conviction of thosewhomGod has rendered responsible for power; allthat de viates fromthisline necessarily leads to disorder, commotions, and evils far more in sufferable than thosewhich they pretend to remedy.” And hislateAustrian Majesty, FrancisI.,isreportedto have declared in anaddress to the HungarianDiet,in 1820, that “the wholeworld had become foolish, and, leaving their ancient laws, was in search of imaginary constitutions.” Thesedeclarations amountto nothingless than a denial of the lawfulness of the origin of the government of the United States,sinceit is certain that that government was established in consequenceof a change which did notproceed from thrones, or thepermission of crowned heads. But the government of the United States heard thosedenunciations of its fundamentalprinciples withoutre monstranceor the disturbance of its equanimity. Thiswas thirty years ago.
Thepower of this Republic, at the presentmoment,fa spread over a region, one of
Thepower of this Republic, at the presentmoment,fa spread over a region, one of