On Wednesdaymorning,October 28th,Louis Kossuth made a public entry into the cityof London, for the purposeofreceiving theaddress of the Corporation, voted oft the 2d October.
About a quarter to 1 o’clock, the carriage reached Guildhall, where, on alighting, M. Kossuthwas received withtremendous cheering.
- The Clerk of the Court read the address, congratulating their illustrious visitor, andoffering him, in the name of the Corporation of the cityofLondon, a hearty wel*
come. (Immense cheering.)
s The cheering which followed the reading of the address havingsubsided, the town
clerk formally presented it to M. Kossuth, whoreceived it with several bows, and pressedit to his heart.
The Lord Mayor very brieflyintroduced theirillustrious guest, andbegged for him a very quiet andattentivehearing, in consequence of his laboring under severe cold.
M.Kossuth, on presentinghimself tothe court, was immensely cheered, thewhole -court rising fromtheir seats, withwaving of hatsand handkerchiefs He said:
My Lord, and Gentlemen of the Corporation of the city ofLondon—the great and glorious city ofLondon, in Common Councilassembled—I speakunto youatthis hour, overburdened with sentiments in respect to the honor which fwas awarethat you intended to do me to-day. I have been overwhelmed bywhat I have seen in the streets of this great andglorious city; thousands upon thousands moved byno other motivethan the love which they boretothe principles of liberty— (hear); and I am funof hope, my lord and gentlemen, in consequenceof the spirit of England for the oppressedand down-trodden nationsof the world. If, after having seenthismani
festation, I may be allowed to expresswhat I feel onbehalf of that oppressed people, theHungarians—for Ibelieve that the sympathy of the people of England will not melt away in the breezelike the sigh of the gullI hope that the kindness and the sympathy thatyou have manifested with regard to the down-trodden and oppressed portionof the world will continue to be manifested,and even strongerthan ever.
This is the proudest moment of my life, to have listened to that generous address by which you have assured me that you have watched over the past struggles, and that you have watched with the deepest interest, and for the expression ofwhose wishes for our noble people in relation tothe future,and in respect to the objectfor which those struggles were originated bythe people of my native land. (Cheers.). Ithank you, that you congratulate me onmyemancipation
40
from captivity; for the characterof the present manifestation, I express my most sincere andfervent thanksin the nameof my nation, as well as for my humble self.
This manifestation is distinguished from all others thathave been witnessed. You willallow me to state what Iconsider to be the real meaning of this demonstration.
(Hear.) I amfull of sentiments, butI do not know how I shallsucceedto find words for them. (Hear, hear.) Now, asto the true meaningof the presentdemonstration (that is, my opinionof it), Icannot suppose that theCorporation of the city of Lon don, lawfully represented by its municipalartery,could haveintended tobestow this honor on aman, butona principle. [Hear.] Every sideof the present demonstra
tion is principle. [Hear.] The Corporation of the city,ofLondon isnotan aggrega tion, on the.present occasion,ofmen, but representatives of aprinciple. Myself, also, wad my countrymen who surround me, and ■ who were faithful friends during the struggleforour common nation,are not to be consideredas menonthe present occa sion,but as the representativesofaprinciple. This is thetrue nature of the* case.
Ibeg leave to consider,then, what is the position in which I stand, and who are those who bestow upon methehonor of this day. Whatis the object ofthisdemon
stration?; London is the metropolis of England—nay, the metropolis of the world.
(Cheers.] This is ho compliment, my lord mayor and.gentlemen. It isthe most earnest and most sincere truth. [Cheers.] London isthe metropolis of the world, because there is no place—(there is no city in the world with, which it is not inti
mately connected. There is scarcely anyplace in the wideworld where I could not meet with some interestwith whichLondon was connected and deeply interested.
[Hear.] Londonis the heartof the world, and like thatmetropolis of the human constitution, cannot foil to partake deeply the feeling of the least impediment in its circulationatthe remotest parts. [Cheers.] Thisbeing thecase, there is no place—
no othercity on the earthwhich has somanymotives,and suchdeep interest,in the concernsof foreign nations. Solong as Ihave the honor to ergoythe support and protection ofEngland, I certainly will not interfere withany of its internal concerns; but perhaps I may be excused, if I venture a few remarks. I venture a single re mark—that itisof the first importance to London and toEngland, that attentionbe giventoforeign matters; and certainly thiscity has had the opportunityofidentify
ing itselfintimatelywith the cause of freedom. [Hear,hear.] Itisinconsequence ofthis thatyou have bestowed your attention on the strugglesof Hungary. You found it tobe the cause ofreligion andrighteousness,and that for which we were struggling to bein harmony with thosemighty interestswhich are embodied in this greatcorporation. Youhave expressedyour sympathywith us in the past and your wishes for the future. Then give oppressedhumanity your helpinghand. [Cheers.]
You can help—doso. [Loudcheers ] I cannot forbear, having spoken somewords on the importance of foreignaffairs, andespeciallyin respect to thecity of London, dating, thatI believe thetime drawsnear when, for the whole world, in themanage ment of diplomacy,a radical. change must takeplace. The basis of diplomacy has been secrecy; and there is the triumph of absolutism and the misfortuneof a free people. I hopesoon this will cease, and foreign affairs will be conducted bythat power which mustbe the ruling onein a constitutional government—public opinion.
41
SPEECH BEFORE THE CORPORATION OF LONDON.
{Hear,hear.] 1 scarcelycan see how it is possible that thisprinciple of the secrecy of diplomacy got ground, notin England only, but throughout thewhole world, whan a question ofa single penny of the nationalpropertycould not be disposed ofwith- out the consent ofthe people. [Hear,hear.] How are the interests of the country guarded and carried outin respect Ofthese foreign affairs ? There is asecrecy which would be dangerousto the interests ofthe countryand to constitutional liberty to ■ develop. .Notonly that the people shouldnotknow howitsinterests are treated, but aven after the time has passed, they should be told, ‘The dinner hasbeen prepared and eaten, and thepeoplehave nothingto do but to digest the. copsequences? [Hear, hear, and laughter.] What is the principle ofall evil in Europe? The encroach ing spirit of Russia. [Hear,hear.] And by what power has Russia become sb mighty ? Byitsarms? No; the arms ofRussia are below those ofmanypowers.
Jt has become almost omnipotent, at leastvery dangerous to liberty, by diplomatic intrigues. ■ Now, against the secret intrigues of diplomacy there is nosurer safeguard, or morepowerful ■ counteraction, than pulflic opinion. [Hear, hear.} This must be opposedto intrigues, andintrigues are then of no weight in the destinies of humanity*
{Cheers.] You will excuse me, my lord and gentlemen, for these hints—[hear, bear;] I hopethe English people will feel the truth of thesehumbleremarks, and that they will not be^uite forgotten. [Hear, hear.]- Besides London being the me tropolis of the world, I know Londonto be the seatof the ConstitutionalGovernment, and ofthe Parliament. Here, again, Imeeta principle. I believe that London, being the seat of the Constitutional Government, and the free Legislature ofGreat Britain and Ireland, is more strongly than whatever other place in theworld identifiedwith theprinciples of free legislation, emancipating thewhole world from arbitrarypower;
noplace inthe worldcan beso much interested in freedom as London. As inone family, as in onecommunity, as in one country,things and affairs cannot be ruled in twodifferentdivergent directions—that js the destiny of mankind—so, ere long,one ofthe two ruling principlesof the world must prevail, and one only : libertyandab
solutism cannotmuch longer subsist together in the present state of development of
•the humanmind and heart; it cannot remain so-one or other must vanishfrom the earth, andunity bebrought to the destinies ofthe world. [Hear, hear.] Now, thp principleof freedom can be established in different countries, and different Govern
ments, according to the wants andwishes of differentpeoples and differentnations;
but the principlewhich can be theonly basisof the moral dignity and the material welfare—of the contentment andhappinessof the world—is under different forms of government, only the principleof freedom. That principle you have in the United States, andinthis country. [Hear, hear.] Now, permitme, my lord and gentlemen, todraw one consequenceout of this principle. London,the metropolis of the world, theseat of free legislation—with which principlewill itside? With Absolutism,or with Freedom? (Hear,hear.) You gave your sympathy,youwatchedwith liveM-est interest the causeof Hungaryin the past; if you thought it worthy tofeel a lively interest in the cause of Hungary in the past,you gave your wishesfor its future; now, let me again ask,do not permit this livelyinterest,and these wishes, to be abarren sound. You have the power to help:help! (Cheers.) A principle which
Imeet here in this place is a principle of social ohler.. Manypeople, when they hear this Word,4 social order,’get almost nervous and excited. There are many that misusethis sacredword as a blasphemy. They call social order absolutism; they callit social orderwhen humanity isput into aprison; they call social order the silence of the grave. (Hear, hear.) This30th of October has presentedto theworlda spec tacle which, once seen, I proudlyproclaim that no Czars and Emperors of Austria have the right, or can have the pretension, to speak more of social order. (Hear, hear.) Here issocial order in London; and by whom watched? I hadmythousands and thousands of thepeople rushirfg forward,not withéflfasion of blood, butwith the warmenthusiasmofnoble hearts^- (cheers),to cheer liberty,. and the principle of freedom in mypoor humble self. Andwhat is the safeguard ofsocial orderin this meeting of people ? I askedtheattentionofLord D;Stuart: 4 Let us look how many policemen arepresent Ihave seen four.’ (Cheers.) Suchascene, my lord, forthe Czars and theEmperors, andall men ambitious, who maybe called Presidents—for they are all the same thing,no matter how culled! (Hear,hear.) Theywould have hadtheir 20,000 bayonets, and Ido not knowhowmany open and secret spies;
they would havesafeguarded, by armsandcannon—what? Social order? No. Against whom? Against foes and enemiesof social order?, No; against their own people.
(Hear,hear.) Thepeople arenever averse tosocial order* it is the basis of security ofpersonand property. It is blasphemytoSaythatpeople love disorder; but neither a singleman,northousands, wish to be thetools of ambition. (Hear, hear.) Now, havingmet here theprinciple of social' order, permit me the question—What is, in the opinion of this illustriouscorporation, the surest safeguard ofsocial order? I be-lietethe surest safeguard ofit is that which this illustrious corporation have1 seen, have experienced to besuccessful in maintaining socialorderherein this mighty, im
mense city,which is an empire: mightierthan an empireor a nation*. And whatis thesafeguardof socialorder? Liberty. (Hear.) I was not so happyas toarrive in London soon enough to see that great meeting which London appointed tohu
manity—the Great Exhibition; but London is the greatest exhibition ofall; and, shouldI need yet onespur to devote all my life and all myactivityto that' liberty which iscapable to preserve,inso magnificent a manner, socialorder,in such an im mense city as London, the contemplation of your social order, ofyour liberty, your demonstration to-day, would have givenme the spur. I thank you for it. (Cheers.) Youhave marked, my lord and gentlemen, thatwe in Hungary have struggled for thatvery freedom which experiencehere in England hasshown to be the surest safe guard of social order; therefore you gaveyour sympathy to our past—you give your sympathy to the present—you entertainwishes for the future of that cause; let me again entreat you, in the nameof the principle of social order, let not be barren this sympathyfor Hungary-—-youhave the power—-help! help! (Hear, hear.) - A prin ciple I meet is the principleof municipalinstitutions. London is almost the oldest,to besure,one of the oldest municipal institutions on the earth;in every case, it is olderthan the greatglorious nationofEnglanditself, because it derives its municipal institutions from the Roman times. Nations, empires have fallen; mighty people have vanishedfrom the surfaceof the earth; a new worldarose; even here inEn*
SPEECH BEFORE THE CORPORATION OF LONDON. 43 gland, dynasties passed; religion, governments changed; a •revolution swept over England asa mighty storm; arestoration came, which never m historylasts long;
and,after that had passed,the establishment of social older.uponthe principleoflib
erty for the people; and during alj theseimmense changes,London stands 1 Stands?— - no,it does not stand; ithas grownduring those changes, a giant:itself an empire-
more than an empire; itself a nation—mightier than anation. (Hear, hear.) Now, what is the keystoneof allthis ? The keystoneis,in my opinion,that the existence ofLondon isfounded upon municipal institutions. (Hear, hear.) The principle of municipal institutions is crusheddownon the continent of Europeeverywhere; itis swept away by the disease of centralization. . [Great cheering.] This centralization is so propitious, to what? To ambition, but not to liberty. [Hear; hear.] But chiefly on the continent of Europe* the principle of municipal institutions is swept away by the principle of absolutism—by the propensity to centrali zation and absolutism, for the two words are identical. What is absolutism f It is the centralization of power. That is the banner to the perjury of the house of Austria, and which banner it has obtained in so sacrilegiousa manner through Hungary. Thatis the basisof Russiahaving assisted it. As long as Hungary was free, though continuallyencroached uponby the absolutistdirection of the Aus
trian Government, still it continued to be for the existence of thehouse of Austria, an immense benefit,because the veryidea that Hungaryhas hadmunicipal institutions was a check to Russia, that it could not get theAustrian dynasty into itshands. Hun
gary fallen,the power ofAustria centralized, and Austria is no more thana mere tool of Russia. See the consequence of the crushing downof municipal institutions and centralization. The houseofAustria became a traitor toGod, atraitorto humanity, only outof the wish to get rid of the check which the municipal institutions of Hun
gary had put before itsabsolutist direction. (Hear, hear.) What is theconsequence ofcentralization? That Austria is in bondage, forced to be obedienttotheczar. (Hear, hear.) You, the metropolis of the world, strong in your municipal institutions, re membering to be attentive to the condition of foreign nations,have given youratten tionto the causeof Hungary. You have marked us struggling for freedom and muni
cipal institutions; findingthis in the struggle of Hungary, you have givenyoursympa
thy toourpast, your wishes foronr future: then excuse me again for repeating the re
questthat these Wishes be not barren;you have thepower to help—then help!
(Hear,hear.) For thecause ofHungaryI could go on for weeks toshow how much united,oratleast in harmony,itiswith those principles which youcherish andlove, and which makeyour glory. (Hear, hear.) The next principle which Imeethere is thatofindustryand trade. Nothing in the world can beincloser connection with free dom thanthe development ofindustry and trade. Absolutism hasin its train,and must have in its train, everything contrary to liberty; therefore it mustalwaysbe opposed to the free intercourseof nations. It must be opposite even to the moderate protec tion of home industry, which some, inother partsof the world,consider to be a mere question of political economy. Absolutism is prohibitory; it must be so, because it fearsfree trade and free commerce from political motives, because free trade and free commerce are foundedupon thedevelopment offreedom,and arethe most powerful
levereof political rights. Now, let me ask, what is the marketwhich Austriagave to theindustry of England ? No market at alt Hungary, even beforeour past
strug-hasconsumed cotton manufactures—not home fabrication, foreign fabrication— Austrian fabrication—at anaverage from.67,000,OOOf. to 70,000,OOOf. a-year—about
£2,600,000. How much placeoccupiedin this important consumption the industry of England? Not 5s. (Hear, hear.). And why not ? Because the principle ofabsolu
tismof Austria,of course in strong harmonywith the prohibitoryprinciple, managed matters so as to oblige Hungary to buy these manufacturedarticles, not there, where shecould get them for the cheapest price and in the best manner, but in Austria, in r order to drain millionsoutof Hungary forthebenefit of Austria—an absolutist power;
forHungary was obliged topay forcotton maúfactures, which herein England can
forHungary was obliged topay forcotton maúfactures, which herein England can