M. Kossuth,accompanied by M. Pulszki, LordDudley Stuart,and several other ' gentlemen,arrived atSouthampton from town by the two o’clock trainon Tuesday, ' Oct 27. M. Kossuth and party proceededat once tothe houseof theAmerican Con
sul, and partookof a dejeuner}after which he proceeded to the townresidence of theMayor, to receive addresses. During his short stay at Mr. Croskey’s,an offer was made onthepart of the American Ocean Steam-Packet Company, of afree pas sage to America,for M. Kossuthand family. About five o’clockthe partyproceeded to the town residence,of the Mayor,where an immensecrowd awaited the arrival of the distinguished stranger. Deputations were there received from Sheffield, Durham, Sunderland, andone or two other places, to all of which M.Kossuth returned short verbalreplies,andproceeded in the Mayor’s carriage to the•banqueting-room. So great was the crowd that filled the streets, that the Mayorand M. Kossuth were obligedto alight at some short distance from the hall, and make therestof theirway onfoot,amid the most enthusiastic cheeringfrom the people.
>After the toasts had beengiven, the chairman, in a fervent and much-cheered speech, proposed, “ Our illustrious guest, Louis Kossuth.” (Great cheering, again and again.)
- M. Kossuth thenaddressed the companyin nearly the following terms: “This is the second festive occasion on which I have had thehcnor toexpress my most rincere thanks to the Mayor and Corporation of Southampton for the generous wel
come withwhich theyfavor me, and to all the gentlemen for the sympathywith which they jointhis demonstration. (Applause.) God has awardedtwo blessings fothose, whom he has elected—bliss in heaven and freedom on earth. (Cheera.) May you all, may your nationbe blessedby both these blessings. No man, aware of the valueofhisdestiny, can live satisfied without freedom; buthetowhom Godhas granted freedom,hehas got all, if he hasgot themind and thewill touse his freedom for the development of his happiness with so consistentan exertion as the English peopledo. This is the basisuponwhich England has growna paradise onearth, on whichthe eye and the heart rest with joy,and which must strengthen the desire in everyforeigner to become likewisefree,andby becoming such, to be endowedwith the possibility ofconverting other parts of the world into a paradisesuch as England is. (Applause.) During allmylifeI had but one leading idea—-liberty. Itwasthe aimofmylife—the aim of my existence—to secure itsblessings to my people, though Iknew these blessings but instinctively. Now, that I behold England, I see how
SPEECH AT THE BANQUET AT SOUTHAMPTON. 35
liberty ennobles men and beautifies nature. (Applause.) • How shouldI,then,not be doublydetermined—m spite of all danger,in spite of all difficulties’to endure, to act, tostruggle,and, if it must be, to die, that mypeople should becomefree—my peo ple, of which I can sáy, withdeeply felt satisfaction,that there is no people onearth that deserve betterto be free ? Butbesides the bliss of liberty, gentlemen, there is alsoa glory allotted to you;this is theproud position whichthe Englishhold, not only tobeargood willto those who do not enjoy their happiness, but also to'offer their hand totheir lessfortunate brethren. Gentlemen, this • isa great glory, it raisesthe dignity ofmen. Being in thatposition,you, in yournational capacity, carry into life, évenin yourrelations and feelings towards otheTcountries, the divine doctrine ofour Savior—‘ Thou shaltlove thy neighborás thyself? (Hear.) It is onlythus that I can explain the grand phenomenon, that somanynoble-minded men, differentinrank and station, but united all in the loveand enjbyment of freedom,that they all join in the expression of theirsympathy for the principlesoffreedomof whichthey choose toconsider me anhumble representative. Yes,it is so; I can explain that eventhose honorable classes, whose onlycapital is their honestlabor and their time, they stop their work and sacrificetheir time toexpress with that nobleinstinct of the people before which every individual grandeur bows, that thegreat principles of liberty can reckon onthesympathies of thepeople ofEngland. And there isa reason why they can justly reckon on the sympathiesof theworking classes, for without libertythere canexistno lasting social order,so indispensable that everybody may enjoy in full security the fruitsof his labor. Without libertythere is nofield for productive labor, suchas benefits those who work. Without libertythere is no personalsecurity,and no security fór property. And if it isnot the aim of societyto open a field for pro
ductive labor,to grant security to the person■and property, and by this to develop man’s mind andto ennoble man’s heart—if this benot the aim of human society, then I do not know what aim it can have. (Applause.) But it is alsonot without reason that all tbe classesof Englandare united in sympathy, in orderthat that liberty which,underdifferent forms of government but similar institutions, is the bliss andthe prideof the English race in both hemispheres, should likewise be allottedto other nations,to enjoy it under a government whichbest suits theirwishesandtheir wants. Notwithout reason isthis sympathy, not only because there is a moral solid- ’ arity in the destinies ofthe nations, but also becausewherethe productive powers of a people bringforth more than they can consume—as in the case of England—such á country must have free intercourseand anuninterrupted interchange of communication with the world in orderto secure the benefitsofits labor, that bythe stoppageofone channel thereshouldnot arise a plethora noless dangerous than consumption. Now, without theliberty ofEurope there is no liberty of trade. All despots fear free trade, becausethe liberty of commerce is thegreat vehicleof political liberty. Free trade is only possiblewith freeEurope. (Applause.) I hope I am notwrong in touching likewiseonthis materialside ofthe question. Ifelt that itis fortunate aswell as glorious when the material interestsofa great nation areidentical with the interests of thefreedom of the World. Thisis a providential law. Even a single community can but enjoy welfare and securitywhen the interests of the wholeare in harmony
with theinterests of theindividuals. •/ (Applause.) Yoursound judgment, gentlemen, and your comprehensiveviews make it unnecessary for me to developall I couldsay about the connection of the material interests of England With the libertyof the Continent Be it sufficient to express my views in a few dry but truthful words.
The. principleof allevil on the Continent is the despotic and encroaching spiritof the Russian power. There is the pillar which Supportsevery one who wishesto establishhisambitious sway on the sufferingsof nations,raising himself on the mine of' their liberty. Russia is the rock which breaks everysighoffreedom^ and this Russian: power is the same which England encounters m her way, on every point—in Peking and in Herat,atthe Bosphorusand on >the Sound,on the Nile andon the Danube,and allover the Continent of Europe. (Hear, hear.) Jesuitism, which in lattertimeshasagain begun toraise its head, isemployed in support of Russia. We are in the neighborhood ofa great country which unfortunately does not enjoythe fruits ofsorrowful timesand great sufferings.' The Jesuit party in France threaten thatcountry with the Cossacks, Evenhere in this glorious country, a question con
nectedwiththis notlongago wasagitated, aswell inpublic opinion asin Parliament 1 know what is convenient to myself and due to you* I will notenter into that ques
tion. Iwill only state onecurious coincidence—I am a Protestant (Applause.) I am a Protestant, not only by birth but by connection. I am an humble member ofa nation, the majority of whichis composed of Catholies, and it is not the least glory of mynation thatin áll times we fought and bled for religious liberty•—
Catholics as devotedly as Protestants. The rights and freedom of the Protes
tants were always strongly opposed by the house of Hapsburg. That house had always in history been closely united with the spirit of Jesuitism; but the freedom of Protestantism had been established by treaties gained by swords of victoriousHungary. Scarcely hadRussia restored the house of Hapsburg byputting its footon the neckof Hungary, when the first act ofthathouse was to spill noble blood bythe hands of the hangman,anditssecondwas to destroy the rights of the Protestant religion in Hungary. The kings ofHungaryinformer times werealways anxious not toallow anymeddling of the court of Rome in the temporal affairs of theCatholic church,and a glorious king, Matthias Corvinus, a Hungarianby birth, once used these words to the Pope : ‘ Your holiness must remember thatwebear two crosses onour ensign, and we will make our crosses pikes before we allow you to mix yourself up with theaffairs ofour church? SinceRussia hadrestored the house of Hapsburg for a brief time theJesuits have obtained full power to act. The en
croachingspiritof Russia is that which every man in Europe relieson who wishes to dowrong. The identity of the interestsof England with the interests of theliberty ofEurope, gives me the hopethat thegeneroussympathy whichI have the honor to meet with, will not remain anempty sound, that it will not remain without practical results formy poor country—for humanity. (Cheers.) There is no party in England which can deny it,that the armed intervention of Russia in the affairs ofHungary has increased beyond measure the preponderance of Russia on the Continent, while at the same time it has violatedthe sacred principleof the independent right of nations todispose oftheir domestic concerns. It can, therefore, hardly be denied that, as long
SPEECH AT THE BANQUET AT SOUTHAMPTON. 3*7
as Hungaryisnot restoredtoliberty and toindependence, the weight of Russian pre
ponderance ever Europe willnot subside, but willincrease. Andwhat is it whichI request in the nameof mypoor country andin the interest ofthe oppressedpeople of Europe, from -thegreat, free andpowerful Englishnation? Is it .that England should take np arms fi»r therestoration of Hungary? Oh,no! All I request,andall I hope, bonly that England shouldnot abandon theWeight whichin Europe is due to her; thatEngland should not grantacharter tothe Czar to dispose ofthe destinies of the
world. Publicopinion inEngland can establish itasaleading principle in acknowl edging the fundamental right of every nation to dispose ofitself,not to allow the Czar to interfere with the domestic af&irs of the nations of Europe. People of
«nighty Albion1 this it is, andnothing more, which oppressed humanity expects,en
treats and hopes for. As to the rest, leaveit to the nationsof Europe themselves.
(Cheers.) ■. Austria-—but no, I can’t say Austria—I love;I esteem the people of Aus
triaas myown brethren; I feeltheirgriefsas keenly as thoseof myownpeople,and.
• Ihave wishes and hopes for their flature as fervent asfor thoseof my ownnation. I have the right to say so. My life isan open book-(cheers) —and the judgment on it will be pronounced bydisinterested history, and neither by the hirelingsofÖté houseof Austria, nor by party spirit, nor by blind passion,as also not bythose base, absurd calumnies, which in my position could not naturallyfail to be launched against me,but still,which I regret,notfor myself, because theycannot but enhance the af fection of every generous man, it being so natural tofee!revoltedat such mean,base work; but I regret them because it is no consolatory view to see our fellow-creature»
sodelight in such foul calumnies,which must offend the self-esteem of my people which chose me to be its chief. I am surprisedto find these calumnies, even in • places where Ihadnot expected them. It may be that relyingon the affectionthat mypeople has for me—and they are amoral people, that never can be said inany instance to havegiven their confidence and lovetoa man who isnot anhonest man—
itmay bethat for this reason it is supposed I will not entreat the protection of the lawofEnglands I will, however, consider the matter as soon asmy duties tomy fatherland leaveme a single moment to myself. (Loudapplause.) Still, as Isaid, it is history will passa verdict on me, and so I have the rightto saybeforeGodand mankind, that the people of Austria never had,nor have, a warmer friend than my self, It is,therefore, not in regard to Austria, but to the house ofHapsburg,that I wish to say somefew words; and all I will sayofit is, that its perjury, withwhich it hasviolated the rights ofalliti nations, has doomed itto destruction. ■ There isa Godin Heaven, andthereforethere must bejustice onearth. (Cheers.) The house of Austria, havingforfeited eventhe possibilityof the love of the nations it rules, has l
ostthe basis for its existence. Bayonets alone are no basis,for the soldier belongs also to thepeople, and the soldier thinks likewise. The continued loans are no basis; they lead rather to bankruptcy. What is it, then, upon which rests the house of Austria? It is onnothing else thanitsmastertheCzar,around whom the house of Austriamoves asan obedient satellite. But while the Hapsburg dynasty can have nofuture, the people of Hungary has afuture yet, because it deserves to live; ithas afuture, because it has vitality; it has afuture because itsindependence is a necessity
tothe freedom of Europe. (Here M. Kossuth complained of suffering frompain in the chest,and apologized forthe necessity of abridginghisobservations.) Tame every occasion is valuable in which I can by feeble words, and not by the power of eloquencei—-foryou see I designedly employ .no eloquence, but only a simple state ment of facts andthe sound logicofa common understanding—discuss the matters of my poor nativeland; and your generosity would enable me todoso still longer, butI suffer from a sick chest, and am not much capableof speaking without badconse
quences,and therefore Ibeg leave to ask you to chargeyour glasses. (Applause.) It isto thefuture of mycountry thatI devote the activity which Ihave regained bymy libertyfrom the bondageof Asia: andthis my liberation is, inthe first place, due to the noblefeelingsof the Sultan,who in spiteof the arrogantthreats of Russiaand Austria, has protected my life,and the life ofmy companions—who lateryielded, but withsorrow,to the pressureof thecircumstances which had forced him to surround his hospitality bydetention—and who at last, raising himself by the magnanimity of his inspirations and his respect for the rights of humanity above allthreats, restored me to liberty in the most dignified manner. But, expressingmy grateful acknowledg mentsto Turkey, I may alsoreturn my deeply felt thanks for the magnanimous interferences of the Governmentsof GreatBritain and theUnited States of America in such a high and generous manner, supported by the public spiritof the people in both countries, and even sanctioned bythe magnanimous resolution ofCongress, in obtaining the liberation of myselfand of my associates. It is,therefore,with the warmest feelingsof a grateful heart, I propose thetoast, ‘ England, the United States, and Turkey?”
The conclusion of thespeech was hailed with loud applause,and the toast was duly honored.