PART III. LOCAL CIVIL SOCIETY
8. LOCAL REPRESENTATIVES
T H E S T A T E O F L O C A L D E M O C R A C Y I N C E N T R A L E U R O P E
functioning of the party system is underpinned by a high degree of political consensus and widely shared political goals: accession to the EU, completion of the reforms, and the attraction of foreign investment. Political debate has shifted its focus to the incremental improvement of the existing structure of democratic institutions, in order to ensure transparency, accountability, the rule of law, and action against corruption.
Some significant changes have occurred at the local level of politics in Bulgaria as well.
Although still largely dominated by the major political parties through both their local offices and central headquarters, the local political spectrum now involves various actors so that a plurality of interests is represented. Civil society organizations have come to play an increasing role in local elections through nominating candidates for local representative. Public discourse has intensified and attempts have been made to create a more structured environment for it. Citizens and civil society organizations have so far had a limited influence in local political life in Bulgaria. The prevalence of representative over direct democracy in the country sustains the strong yet direct influence of political parties over local politics. However, as reconfirmed in the 2003 municipal elections, the more politics becomes a contest between personalities and structural party capacities than one of divergent political projects, the more opportunities appear for local leaders.
Constructing sustainable democratic institutions necessarily involves the issue of a more efficient means of engaging citizens in the process. As illustrated by the recent introduction into law of mandatory public hearings of the local budgets, the trend is towards setting up a more institutionalized framework for citizens’ participation. What use will be made of these opportunities and how the experiment with direct democracy will develop in Bulgaria is a challenge for the next decade.
R E P O R T O N T H E S T A T E O F L O C A L D E M O C R A C Y I N B U L G A R I A
8.1 Demographic Features of Local Representatives
8.1.1 Participation of Women
In terms of women’s participation in politics in Bulgaria, an important role is played by the political parties, since the slate of candidates presented to the voters is already limited to a certain extent by the process of party nomination and the selection rules that exist inside the parties. Repeated studies of gender and voting indicate that the predominance of men in electoral office is less a result of voting in general elections than of party nomination practices (Lovenduski and Regulska 2000). Bulgaria is no different from other CEE countries that experienced profound changes with respect to women’s participation in the public sphere after the break from socialism. In the socialist period, women had a secured quota of around 20% female membership in the communist parliament, but no meaningful presence in any government structures (Videva 2003). As in other CEE countries, in Bulgaria there was a significant decrease in the number of female politicians elected in the post 1989 parliamentary elections (8.5% in 1990 compared to 21.7% in 1981). Developments in the 1990s, however, led to an overall increase in women’s share of parliamentary seats, with Bulgaria, Latvia, and Poland breaking 20% (Sloat 2003). Bulgaria saw a significant breakthrough in this respect in the 2001 elections, when 26.7% of representatives elected to parliament were female. This outcome occurred in the context of a favorable preelection platform and policy offered by the ruling political formation, National Movement Simeon II, which actively promoted bringing more women into parliament.
As far as the participation of women in the Bulgarian government is concerned, since 1989 there has been a stable trend of strong representation of women in the executive.
In the 2001 government, Bulgaria had the largest number of female ministers in its history: five of 22. At the moment, women are not as prominent at the local level as they are nationally. Their participation in professional guilds is also high, and this trend is generally referred to as the “feminization of the professions.” According to the LGS research, two of ten representatives in municipal councils in Bulgaria are female, compared to one in ten mayors. Overall, these numbers indicate a relatively low rate of participation of women in the local political elite. Indeed, because of the high percentage of women elected to parliament in 2001, there is now a higher percentage of female MPs than of councilors and mayors (Sloat 2003). Various factors have contributed to the above picture: women are less often affiliated with political parties; the policies of political parties for nominating candidates are not helpful; some women are more attracted to a professional than a political career, etc. In these circumstances, building a strong women’s elite in local politics remains an ongoing challenge.
T H E S T A T E O F L O C A L D E M O C R A C Y I N C E N T R A L E U R O P E
8.1.2 Age and Political Experience
According to the LGS research, the majority of local representatives is between 41 and 60 years of age. Almost one-third are between 41and 50 and another third are between 51and 60. Those under 40 years of age amount to 17.4%, a bit more than those over 61 years of age (15.1%). Mayors account for more than one-third of the 51-60 age group. The age factor is closely linked with the political experience of candidates. The survey shows that most of the local representatives have spent their working lives in municipal politics and only 1.2% are new to the career. The findings confirm a high threshold level of political experience, which makes it difficult for younger candidates to successfully start a career in local politics. One reason for the predominance of older and more experienced representatives may be that local political parties prefer to trust candidates who are already established and well known by the majority of voters. The case of mayors provides a good example in this respect. The percentage of the mayors who have spent all of their working lives in the municipality (78.7%) is higher than that of the councilors (69.5%). Another reason may be that eligible and talented younger people seek different professional careers and leave local politics to the ones who have been there for years and have both the experience and the ambition to continue. Party credentials and previous experience in local government affairs turn out to be key factors for assuring participation in local political life.
8.1.3 Ethnic Representation
Another important characteristic to consider when looking at the profile of local representatives is ethnic representation. According to the LRS research, the dominant group among local representatives is of Bulgarian descent (86.5%). The Turkish ethnic minority group holds 10.2% of seats, which is proportional to its share of the population.
The rest are representatives from small minorities. The Roma parties did well in the 1999 municipal elections and managed to elect about 200 municipal councilors. Although the elected Roma representatives (0.7%) do not reflect the part of the population they represent, the local elections result may well be considered an achievement compared to the overall political underrepresentation of Roma parties in Bulgarian politics. The latter may be explained by the lack of relevant tradition of Roma political participation so far, the self-identity problem that Roma people face, their uneven concentration across the country, etc.
R E P O R T O N T H E S T A T E O F L O C A L D E M O C R A C Y I N B U L G A R I A
8.1.4 Education, Languages, and Use of Technology
Bulgarian local representatives are traditionally known for their strong education record, and this has been confirmed by the survey. A large majority of local representatives has completed a higher education, followed by 16.3% with a trade school diploma, and an insignificant minority has graduated from secondary school only.
Table 2.66
Level of Education of Local Representatives
Not Completed Primary
Primary Trade School Secondary Higher Education
Total
Councilors 1
0.1%
6 0.7%
147 17.3%
36 4.2%
662 77.7%
852 100%
Mayors 8
8.4%
3 3.2%
84 88.4%
95 100%
Total 1
0.1%
6 0.6%
155 16.4%
39 4.1%
746 78.8%
947 100%
Source: LRS 2003.
In light of the challenges the country faces in its preparation for accession to the EU, and as international contacts with local leaders intensify, communication at the international level becomes essential. With respect to foreign language proficiency, the survey shows that half of the local representatives are fluent in a foreign language. Four of every ten mayors speak a foreign language. Internet communication is no rarity for 42.6% of mayors or for 39% of local representatives. E-mail users are slightly fewer in number, amounting to approximately one-third of all mayors and councilors.
8.1.5 Income
Income becomes an important factor when we look at the incentives for local representatives to join the local political elite, as well as the preferences of the local electorate who, especially at the local level, is well informed about the social standing of particular candidates. Income is not necessarily linked to education, skills, and professional history. In fact, the current economic profile of the country is quite rich in examples of the concentration of wealth and businesses in the hands of people whose education and professional experience are not noteworthy.
According to the survey, a little fewer than half of the councilors rank their income as average (group four), and one-third of all representatives assessed consider themselves
T H E S T A T E O F L O C A L D E M O C R A C Y I N C E N T R A L E U R O P E
to have a higher than average income. A rather insignificant minority (6.0%) claims to have the highest level of income (see Table 2.67). Unlike councilors, a higher percentage of mayors claims a higher income. Three of ten mayors rate their income as average (group four); with minor exceptions all others consider themselves to have above average income. Like councilors, a rather insignificant minority (7.4%) claims to have the highest income.
Table 2.67
Income Levels of Councilors and Mayors (7-Point Scale*)
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Total
Councilors 63 7.7%
47 5.7%
81 9.9%
364 44.4%
129 15.8%
88 10.5%
49 6.0%
819 100%
Mayors 2
2.1%
1 1.1%
28 29.8%
36 38.3%
20 21.3%
7 7.4%
94 100%
Total 63
6.9%
49 5.4%
82 9.0%
392 42.9%
165 18.1%
106 11.6%
56 6.1%
913 100%
Note: * 1—lowest income; 7—highest income.
Source: LRS 2003.
8.2 The Political Background of Local Representatives
Political background matters. It not only refers to membership in a given political party, but also includes experience, political influence, party credentials, political preferences, biases, even opportunities to become the target of campaigns built on the records from a previous mandate. The political background of local representatives is important because it directly affects the stability of institutions and the local political climate.
Notwithstanding the profound political changes that have taken place in Bulgaria since the beginning of the transition in 1989, the past is still a factor for some political actors on the local scene. The affiliation of local representatives and elected mayors with the former communist party is not without significance. The fact that almost one-third of all councilors and mayors were members of the communist party before 1990 deserves some attention, as it speaks to continuity of political participation, as well as the high threshold barrier for new entrants. In considering the above data, however, we need to take the age factor carefully into account (only 17.4% of all local representatives are below 40 years of age) and also the fact that in the former one-party system, the only opportunity to participate in politics was to be a part of the communist elite. A small minority of local representatives and mayors has held an office in a party before 1990:
11.6% of mayors compared to 7.1% of councilors. Every fifth mayor and 14.3% of the councilors were members of a municipal council before 1990.
R E P O R T O N T H E S T A T E O F L O C A L D E M O C R A C Y I N B U L G A R I A
A majority of representatives has had practical political experience in working in local governance. One-half of all mayors have been reelected. The percentage for councilors is slightly higher—57.5%. In Bulgaria, being a municipal councilor has always been considered a political assignment and not a professional occupation. It is clear from these figures that having strong party credentials is a serious precondition for a successful election.
Experience and training become increasingly important in managing local affairs.
With major donor support, there have been numerous capacity-building programs in the local government field, which have provided local representatives with more analytical and practical tools for managing local politics and administration. Also, networking and participating in workshops and similar events at both the national and international levels have added to the capacity of mayors and local representatives. A large majority of mayors has completed political career training compared to one-half of councilors.
Becoming a local representative is a considerable step in one’s political career. The ambition to get reelected is quite natural, easy to explain, and has a lot to do with consist-ency in politics and government. It comes as no surprise that, according to the survey, a large majority of representatives wishes to be reelected. It will be important, however, to establish a mechanism of checks and balances to guarantee free access to the local political scene for all candidates nominated in a democratic and lawful way. Keeping the system open to new entrants is the only way to sustain its democratic development.
8.3 The Social Capital of Local Political Leaders
The involvement of local representatives in the nongovernmental sector is a relatively new phenomenon, which has no parallel and no established traditions so far. Participation may take various forms and does not necessarily mean membership in a particular not-for-profit organizational unit. More often, local representatives get involved in programs, capacity-building events, pilot programs, and social projects that are initiated and conducted by civil society organizations. It should be emphasized that the National Association of Municipalities in Bulgaria is itself a not-for-profit organization with an established strong presence in the local governance sector. Most mayors are its members. Together with other extremely influential associations in this sector, including the Foundation for Local Government Reform and nine regional associations of municipalities, it creates conditions for local representatives to effectively participate in the nongovernmental sector. It promotes activities to advance their interests and enhance their political vision.
Besides this, the results of the survey demonstrate that one-fifth of all councilors and one-third of all mayors hold a position in a civic organization. The majority of representatives holding a position in a civic organization participates in only one, less
T H E S T A T E O F L O C A L D E M O C R A C Y I N C E N T R A L E U R O P E
than one-third participate in two, and a minority participates in more than two organizations. Associations are the preferred form of CSO for a majority of representatives, followed by foundations and trade unions. Foundations are mostly set up for a specific purpose and have a limited membership. However, some of them have a strong record of projects and initiatives in the local government field, which involve local representatives in one form or another. However, most of them are project-driven and have limited chances for sustainability once the massive donor support, mostly by USAID, terminates. The participation of local representatives in trade unions is relatively low, similar to that of other groups or professions.
8.4 The Political Culture of Local Representatives
In the survey, local representatives were asked to indicate the extent to which they personally agree or disagree with particular statements that concern the political or legal systems. The statements were presented on a scale with affirmative and negative poles.
The answers are presented in Table 2.68, grouped according to the extent of agreement with the statement. For local representatives, there are three main groups of values and attitudes: a) the dominant view, shared by a significant majority of the representatives;
b) majority views, agreed with by more than half and disagreed with by less than one-quarter of all representatives; c) values and attitudes that provoke different or opposing political views among representatives.
The attitude towards competition shows the most positive and consolidated response, with a large majority believing that competition provides incentives for more efficient work. To a majority of representatives, democracy implies protection of rights and private property. A majority also agrees with the necessity to increase private ownership in the business sector. A significant majority believes that even political extremists must be given the right to hold public meetings, while a small minority disagrees. Thus, according to the results of the survey, the values of free competition, protection of rights, private property, private ownership, and freedom of assembly are most widely shared by local representatives. Issues of freedom of media, prevalence of national over local priorities, and trust in leader attracted fewer votes. Half of all representatives support the freedom of media to cover local issues in a fair way even if this would hurt some residents or focus criticism at local government. Every second representative believes that national priorities come first compared to local problems; a small minority disagrees. Those who trust leaders and experts are almost equal in number to those who do not. Almost every second person interviewed shares the opinion that income should be more equally distributed, and supports widespread public participation in decision-making process.
A small minority, however, considers such participation to bring undesirable conflicts and to be a waste of time and resources.
R E P O R T O N T H E S T A T E O F L O C A L D E M O C R A C Y I N B U L G A R I A
Table 2.68
Democratic Values and Attitudes of Local Representatives [%]
Agree Ambivalent Disagree
Competition is good. It stimulates people to work hard. 74.7 18.3 7.0 In a democracy everyone should have exactly the same rights. 60.8 15.5 23.7 Private ownership of business and industry should be increased. 51.6 33.5 14.9 Local media should point out the problems they see, even if
their coverage could hurt some community residents or the local government.
42.9 29.2 27.8
Achieving national goals must always have a priority over solving local problems.
41.7 45.5 12.8
In this complicated world, the only way we can know what is going on is to rely on leaders and experts who can be trusted.
30.0 39.7 29.3
The government should take more responsibility to ensure that everyone is provided for.
25.2 42.3 32.6
Local leaders can never achieve anything if they are too concerned with preventing conflicts in the community
22.5 31.7 45.8
Income should be more equal. 13.1 38.8 43.1
Even political extremists must be given the right to hold public meetings.
12.6 28.2 59.2
Widespread public participation (in decision- making) often leads to undesirable conflicts or wastes time.
10.0 41.5 48.5
Source: LRS 2003.
Challenges are presented by the results concerning the level of trust local representatives have in central government and in the presidency. Trust in democratic institutions is a fundamental element of political culture, crucial for the vertical as well as horizontal integration between various levels of government. This has often been considered an independent variable of the political environment and, therefore, not much has been done towards creating a climate of confidence between all levels of government, as well as other powers. As the survey results show, trust of local representatives in central government and in the courts of law is below average compared to the relatively high (4.51 on the seven-point scale) trust in the president. The rest are about average. On the whole, mayors show more trust, while councilors remain more skeptical toward institutions.
According the survey, local representatives’ trust in people is relatively low. One-third of representatives say that most people can be trusted while a large majority states that they need to be very careful when dealing with the people. Here again the mayors show more trust than the councilors. Four of ten mayors say most people can be trusted, compared to three of ten councilors.
T H E S T A T E O F L O C A L D E M O C R A C Y I N C E N T R A L E U R O P E
The division is similar on the issue of whether people will be fair or not. A significant majority of representatives says that people would try to take advantage. The mayors have greater trust than councilors—45.7% of mayors and 33.6% of representatives believe that people will try to be fair.
All representatives feel a strong attachment to all levels of the government system, but the strongest attachment is felt on the country level where the average is 6.61 out of 7.
The ideological orientation of local representatives either towards left or right reflects the orientation of the local electorate. Ideologically left-oriented councilors and voters had a good match in positions on basic values and beliefs. The majority of local representatives share a belief in fundamental democratic values. There is a general liberal approach towards freedom of economic activity, protection of private property, personal freedom, freedom of the media, freedom of political action, etc. Basic challenges to political systems that have been identified in the course of analysis concern credibility in both institutions, including the executive and court systems, and individuals. The relatively low credibility of institutions in the eyes of local representatives has been largely confirmed by recent polls among the general population. Particularly critical is the attitude towards the Bulgarian court system.
8.5 Local Representatives’ Attitudes toward Representation
Three aspects of local representatives’ attitudes towards representation are discussed in this section: how they internalize their role as representing the local community, how they regard their interaction with local residents, and their view of factors shaping their opinion.
The survey used structured interviews in which local leaders were asked to what degree they feel it is important to give some special consideration to certain groups of people. The results show that local representatives generally consider themselves to be delegates of all citizens of a community or city (a response of 6.07 on the seven-point scale). Consideration for those citizens who voted for them is similarly high. Beliefs that local representatives are delegates of particular area of the municipality, of the party to which belong, of certain occupational groups, of ethnic groups, and of central government are all at an average level. The councilors assessed gave a higher rating in all of these categories.
The influence of constituents on local representatives depends on the situation for most representatives. A small minority feels they are obligated to take the opinion of the people into account, and one-fourth would rather follow their own policy judgment.
For a variety of reasons, the process of informed decision-making has always been a challenge in Bulgaria and the local level is no exception. Barriers to informed