Empowerment and female leadership in Israel

Israel places 37^th out of 58 states in the Gender Gap Report,(Lopez-Carlos and Zahidi 2005).¹²⁴ Her weighted score is 3.94 out of a possible score of 7. Observation of the parameters comprising this index emphasize that the main problem concerns political empowerment (32^nd place) – i.e. leadership.

As this researcher understands it, and based on knowledge of the existing reality, Israeli feminism can nowadays be divided into three foci:

- Legislative feminism ,led by members (male and female) of the Israeli Knesset (parliament), women's organizations as organizations for social change and rights organizations. Their work is intended to construct an infrastructure and foundations for the processes of change through legislation;

- Theoretical, academic feminism, based on academic female and male and on feminist research in order to construct a research and theoretical infrastructure that will support, clarify and create tools and alternatives to the existing social order

- Activist feminism, based on the activities of women's organizations on the one hand and on the activities of advisors or those responsible for the status of women at the public, national and municipal levels.

This study focuses on this type of feminism emphasizing the work of the advisors on the status of women.¹²⁵

Activist feminism operates in two main branches:

1. The establishment arm (GO) which is formal and developed on the basis of the WID approach. This branch has mechanisms and institutions that operate on behalf of women (since the 1970s), backed by legislation and declarative policy and clear patriarchal tools – hierarchy, power, control.

In the beginning, the institutional mechanism grew from the activities of Zionist organizations that were once informal and anti-establishment but became, with the establishment themselves with the declaration of the State of Israel.

124 These data reflect the entire population of the country taking in consideration ethnic, religious and national minorities.

125 Unique roles that do not exist in most western countries. Activity regarding the status of women is based on the Local Authorities Law, 2000 (see Appendix A item 1)

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In the 19^th century, with the awakening of the Zionist movement, Zionist women's organizations also began to function¹²⁶ (Herzog, 1994; Fogel-Bijaui, 1992: Safran, 2001). They were influenced by the mood of the period and by other global women's organizations, mainly the western world. Most of the activity of women's groups was philanthropic, dealing with welfare and charity for the poor, the homeless, the sick and the needy (LeGates, 2001; Safran, 2001).

This activity became the infrastructure for the feminist movement around the world, since in these frameworks the women acquired the administrative-organizational experience and the power to influence and create social change. Such organizations afforded the sole opportunity for women to work outside the home. The organizational areas of activity interface with the women's traditional roles – caring/nurturing, service, aid etc. Needs unique to the female population arose and existing or new organizations were founded or expanded to handle these realms.

In 1920 the Hebrew Women's Federation was established (Herzog, 1994;

Safran, 2001) whose aim was to increase awareness of women's health, develop health services for mothers and their children and to develop social aid services (Safran, 2001). Its work produced two projects that, in the course of time, became an inseparable part of the national institutions for women – the well baby clinic and day care centers (Herzog, 1994) and which concepts were adopted by other women's organizations such as Na'amat, Wizo, Emuna – women's organizations functioning till now.

Those organizations can be defined as voluntary multi-purpose organizations whose goal was not necessarily to advance the status of women but to work for extensive community aid as well (Fogel-Bijaui, 1992).

One may summarize by saying that women's organizations in Israel until the 60s are characterized by:

1. Growth out of the political establishment as an organic branch of itself (or of a party). They grew out of basic consensus with the ideas of the organization that founded them. Dependent for their economic needs (buildings, budgets, connections) on the political factors with their patriarchal agenda (Zionist, nationalist and religious) resources created a conflict that was not recognized by the

126 Some of them were female workers movements founded prior to the WWI to improve the work conditions of female laborers; Hadassah has functioned since 1913, WIZO opened a branch in Israel in 1920, and Naamat in 1921.

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organizations, that sometimes contradicted the needs of the women themselves whom they purported to represent The organization's desire to separate the general ideological context from the male establishment and to make room to represent distinct female interests always encounters opposition and punishment, to the point of separation from the source of resources.

2. Having a national collective agenda, they were founded in the 20s and the 30s and represented, in addition to the female interest, the Zionist facet. Their activities were based on the focus on daily social problems (basic needs) such as accessibility to specific domains and developing abilities and means mainly in the realms of education, health and social welfare – distinct female concerns. The economic and the political focus was occasional and minuscule, usually without determining independent policy for the most part and leaving many issues untreated. The party or society related to the activities of these organizations as a given thus they were not to be particularly compensated for their work. The male establishments used them as a platform for political interest, to accrue power, influence and attain public sympathy. Such behavior generally is typical of the attitude towards women by society that did not overlook the organizations themselves.

3. Having a patriarchal organizational structure: Despite the organizations being founded on only female participation, their management was paradoxically patriarchal. The structure is hierarchic, like a pyramid of authority and advancement, whose basis relies on volunteers as activists. The voluntary work is typical of the condition of women in general and makes the women's organizations a central issue, reinforcing and preserving the phenomenon of exploitation of a female labor force without compensation.

The organizational culture is copied from the male world and founded on competitiveness, power and status, alongside the absence of professional training in most areas in which the organization deals. The organizational leadership developed from the organization or arrived from outside it, according to criteria based on political proximity and conformity to the establishment and to the patriarchal approach that typified it.

4. Lacking an agenda of change – the agenda of these women's organizations is a nurturing agenda, that focuses on help and support without altering the situation. Some of their activities are likely to lead to change but the significant change has not been defined as an objective.

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Over the years, the organizations did not alter their structure and modus operandi, and therefore the innovation of their establishment/founding became a fossilized approach that does not afford any real solution to the social needs that changed. The organizations laid the foundations for the development of future social and community services. The development of an establishment mechanism became more professional after the establishment of the State of Israel. It took those areas of activity under its wing creating a real threat to the survival of the women's organizations.

Over the years, women's organizations became an inseparable part of the social map, but this very fact was a disadvantage since becoming establishment led to reducing extremism in their activities (Ferree and Martin, 1995). Nowadays, the organizations' more dominant interest in activity is in their survival and existence.

As part of the declaratory policy adopted, the organizations actually enjoy the amity of the establishment, since their low-key activity is compatible with their needs. The organizations enjoy this establishment support as proof of the need for them and the quality of their activities. They do not function today based on “feminist purity” (Ahrens, 1980).

Despite this magic circle, the reality demanded change. The institutional mechanism has altered and functions on two planes:

a. The central government – through the legislative authority, the Knesset, via the Committee on the Status of Women, comprising male and female members of the Knesset founded ten years ago (1998); and by the executive branch, the government, through the ministerial committees comprising men and women), which is not actually manifested in the field. The other framework is the Authority whose establishment is anchored in legislation (1998).¹²⁷ (This is one of the factors to which this study relates.)

The institutional mechanism in the State of Israel established an infrastructure based on the 'mediating complex', comprised of women only, through whom it wished to further the subject of the status of women. A similar complex existed in the IDF since its inception in the form of Women's Corps officers, who served in all units and at all functional levels¹²⁸ as a separate unit. Their role in

127The Authority, is a replication of the National Council on the Advancement of the Status of Women that was established in 1984, following the recommendations of the 1975 Namir committee that examined that issue. The Council was not really effective, so that a year later the position of the advisor to the Prime Minister on the status of women was created, but lacked also real authority.

128 The chief Women's Corps officer could not make any rank higher than Brigadier General and for years the most senior rank was even lower. This situation means that the Women's Corps officer was

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the IDF was to deal with female soldiers and specific female problems.

The 'mediating complex' is somewhat similar to the role of internal agents of change, but it seems to this researcher that this was not the intention when it was established.

In 1995 the Department for the Advancement of the Status of Women in the civil service was established, responsible for the activities of some 80 women in charge of the status of women in government ministries and its support units.¹²⁹

b. The local government: The municipal government is an executive branch of the central government with very little inner autonomy to deal with local issues (Nachmias and Navot, 2002). The municipal domain unified as an organization with common interests and established the Israel Union of Local Authorities (IULA) that represents the municipal urban authorities (www. iula.org.il) and the Organization of Regional Authorities. As in the general civil service, an advisor in the status of women was also appointed at the IULA without the position being defined¹³⁰, without a budget and with a limited number of hours. In addition, a committee on the status of women convened occasionally, its members (elected male and female, advisors on the status of women) changing constantly.

The three central organizations described here, the Authority, IULA and the Knesset committee, adopted the working assumption regarding the need for a 'mediating complex' for applying policy on advancing the status of women led them to enact the Authorities Law - Advisors on the Status of Women, in 2000.

The advisors are external and internal agents of change, although this researcher believes they were not defined as such a priori by any one.

They functioned without any clear definition of their position¹³¹, without budgetary means or other defined resources, and in addition to their previous positions they fulfilled before their appointment. The Authority,

never part of the senior command with no potential for competing for Chief of Staff. The Women's Corps was cancelled gradually in the late 90s.

129 The women in charge of the status of women are part of the implementation of policy enforced by the law for their suitable representation for women (1995).The role was additional to their professional or previous role.

130 The role was filled prior to enacting the law in the 1990s, and the first person appointed was the late Ilana Chernobroda, followed by Nadia Hilu, former Labor Member of the Knesset. She was replaced in 2006 by Rina Hod.

131 Following this study, the researcher, together with a small group of advisors, led change in the legislation of 2000 in July, 2008 (see appendix A item 1 )and manifested in the booklet defining the advisor's role.

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together with the IULA¹³² are the institutions with which the advisors work without defining the reciprocal relations between them. This study concentrates on the advisors' work and on these reciprocal relations, based on the researcher's experience and on aspects connected to the empowerment courses that were a central part of the authority's policy between 2004-2007.

This infrastructure for the advisors and appointees inspired additional institutions such as the institutions of higher education, the army, large professional organizations, public companies and others to appoint women to positions responsible for the issue of the status of women in the institution.

The institutional, governmental mechanism enjoys the backing of rules and regulations, with access to resources, decision-makers and to the law courts. On the other hand, this belonging forced a situation of dual loyalty, conflict of interests and even of inferiority regarding resources, means and tools that stemmed from policy lacking flexibility, that is encumbered and bureaucracy, from declarative policy regarding the advancement of women and from a covert and overt patriarchal organizational culture.

2. NGOs – the extra-institutional branch .

Grass roots organizations or non-governmental organizations are a branch based on the WAD approach. Most of the organizations, entities and associations, that comprise this branch are purely women’s organizations.

At end of the 19^th and the early 20^th century a comfortable basis for social movements was created¹³³, in which women also participated (LeGates, 2001; Safran, 2001). These activities honed the understanding amongst women regarding the need for social change for their gender and afforded the infrastructure for the development of women's organizations for women. These organizations included organizations canvassing for the right to vote, those that worked for reform in criminal law and for the protection of the rights of working women (Rowbotham, 1992; Safran, 2001)

132 By law the advisors are municipal employees and are therefore connected to IULA.

133 A social organization deals with advancing social ideas and values such as justice and equality, through research, publications and disseminating ideas, creating services and is derived from social needs.

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The focus of activity regarding the needs of women alone finds that there is in fact, no area in which women do not have a unique need. The

activities exposed the differences in needs within the female population according to the socio-economic situation. The organizations found themselves establishing day care centers, kindergartens and youth clubs;

providing welfare, support and knowledge in poor neighborhoods;

founded proper sanitation services, built public clinics and founded

evening classes for adults (to eradicate illiteracy and complete elementary education) alongside activities that strove to influence political life ( Rowbotham, 1992, LeGates, 2001; Safran, 2001). A similar process occurred in Jewish society too before and after the establishment of the Israeli State.¹³⁴

After a break in female activity of some 30 years, a new type of women's organization emerged (Ferree and Martin, 1995) - feminist women's organizations that are a type of social organization that

"See the customary social and political systems as a male governmental system that perpetuates female inferiority and suppression …the strategy of these organizations is 'to pressure from outside' while presenting an alternative female image"

(Fogel-Bijaui 1992:66).

The feminist organizations are founded, amongst other things, on a shared organizational structure and mechanism for decision-making, that empower members of the organization; they have a political agenda for ceasing suppression of any type (ideological, value and feminist objectives/values) towards women and offer the creation of an alternative for the existing situation, i.e., meaningful social change (Martin, 1990).

The feminist organizations, despite being extra-establishment, are in need of the establishment to motivate the processes, attain resources, legitimacy and applying the changes. The reciprocal relations between the establishment and extra-establishment organizations is full of ups and downs, on an axis between totally disengagement to cooperation at various levels.

134 The Hebrew Women's Association for Equal Rights in Israel was established in 1919 as a non-political national organization functioning under the auspices of "One constitution and one law for men and woman" (Herzog, 1994; Safran, 2001). After anchoring the right to vote, the Association aimed to expand this right to the local authorities and in parallel advanced the establishment of Women's Juridical Advisory offices, mainly to aid in personal and family issues (Herzog, 1994).

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Israeli feminism embraces many establishment and feminist organizations some of which are separate feminist organizations dealing with their uniqueness (as lesbians, as being of sephardi origin, immigrants and as Palestinians) (Avidav, 2004). The founding of feminist organizations created a wave that influenced veteran-establishment women's organizations that became more militant, at the declarative stage, with a growing of fear about their existence.

More than 80 women's organizations (Hadayer and Tal, 2008) now operate in Israel, most of which are still based on a voluntary organizational array of various levels, with some professional women in relevant areas. Despite the establishment of coalitions of organizations around an issue of advancement, an atmosphere of separatism and non-cooperation still reigns, for a variety of reasons, enabling the continued situation of discrimination towards women to exist.

The extra-establishment organizations can be classified, believes this researcher:

1. Focusing on social change: Although being extra-establishment¹³⁵ they work with establishment institutes, making partial use of their resources, without being completely dependent on them and are not identified with a particular establishment body. The connection between them and the establishment entities is conducted according to area of interest and on the basis of specific point cooperation.

2. Focusing on change in awareness: Characterized by feminist awareness¹³⁶ and partially the post–modern agenda. These organizations operate from critical consideration towards the establishment and without declared dependence on it, whose goal is to give expression to the feminine spirit and voice and thereby open a public debate that will alter awareness, sensitivity and the attitude towards women and their needs.

3. Focusing on an issue: This creates a background or a common denominator such as a support group, born on the background of a feeling of loneliness and the need to share a particular difficulty (widowhood, single parenthood, a handicap etc.) or a protest group,

135 Such as 'Ken Association' whose goal is to further women to positions of political power

;Women's Lobby , that calls itself the Organization for Social Change aiming mainly for advancing egalitarian legislation and its enforcement ( www.iwn.org.il); 'The Centre for the Victims of Sexual Harassment', that has now begun to help men suffering from sexual aggression too, and became a gendered organization ; ' Itach' Association, that operates amongst economically weak women to attain rights and make them more accessible, etc.

136 Such as the 'Woman to Woman' organization in Haifa and the 'Feminist house' in Tel Aviv.

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born on the background of a particular difficulty that time or a situation created¹³⁷.

4. Focusing on gender activity: Organizations for social change for both genders¹³⁸. These organizations are unique and less known to the public. Their development was feasible due to the action for change in the awareness of feminism that creates legitimacy to recognize the existence of different needs and discrimination on a gender basis.

Empowerment and leadership courses for women exist, nowadays, in the establishment framework mainly at local municipal level through the mediation of the advisors on the status of women. Such courses have been held with a minor tone in women's organizations, due to budgetary and resource constraints, mostly at the state/ regional level, lacking consistence, or by connecting to the advisor's work.

From her work experience this researcher realizes that further activity has an empowering potential despite not always enjoying consideration from this actual perspective. Further ways to empower include the various courses held by the advisors on a variety of subjects, as well as the development or creation of services with a feminist orientation, to be discussed later and in the context of empowerment courses.

In document ARE EMPOWERMENT COURSES FOR WOMEN A TOOL FOR SOCIAL CHANGE? THE SITUATION IN ISRAEL (Pldal 136-144)