STUDIES ON DEVELOPING COUNTRIES

STUDIES

ON DEVELOPING COUNTRIES

No. 88

CSABA VARGA

M O D E R N I Z A T I O N

O F L A W A N D I T S C O D I F I C A T I O N A L T R E N D S IN T H E A F R O - A S I A T I C L E G A L D E V E L O P M E N T

1976

INSTITUTE FOR WORLD ECONOMICS

OF TH E H U N G A R IA N A C A D E M Y OF SCIENCES

B U D A P E S T

A s r e g a r d s th eir p olitica l and s o c ia l stru ctu re, e c o n o m ic d e v e lo p ­ ment an d cultural traditions the A fr o -A s ia tic sy ste m s e m b ra ce the m ost h e­

t e r o g e n e o u s state form ations. T h e range o f th e s e form ations e x te n d s from the clin gin g to primitive co n d itio n s of a tribal community, through capitalist and often im perialistic te n d e n c ie s , e v e n to the g lo b a l o r partial a c c e p ta n c e o f the revolu tion izin g programme o f socia lism . T h e A fr o -A s ia t ic system em­

b r a c e s sta te s w h ich a re s o to s a y on ly in the begin n in g o f b ecom in g a c ­ quainted with the elem entary a ch iev em en ts o f civilization , w h e r e a s at the o th e r e n d o f the gamut there are sta tes w h ich a p p e a r in w orld e co n o m y a s industrial p o w e rs. T h e ir cultural h eritage and te n d e n c ie s a re about a s mot­

le y -c o lo u r e d : h e re the ran ge e x te n d s from the u ndivided domination o f trib­

al b e lie fs, through the a ll-em b ra cin g community sh a p in g p o w e r o f h istorica l re lig io n s, to arran gem en ts institutionalizing la ic iz e d , b o u r g e o is traditions.

In this w ealthy s to r e -h o u s e o f the co n d itio n s an d potentialities o f past and p re se n t the qualification a s A fr o -A s ia t ic is not m erely a g e o g r a ­ p h ica l o n e , in particular w h en p ro je cte d o n the fundamental dilemma of the s o c ia l developm en t o f the c o u n trie s in qu estion . A t a sin gle point nam ely the sta te s d u b b ed a s A fr o -A s ia t ic form a community throughout. A n d this is the point w h ere a s the prelim inary q u estion of their s o c ia l problem s all o f them a re struggling with a sin gle problem , with the con fron tation b y the m ore and m ore p r e s s in g e x ig e n c y o f the m odern ization o f a d e la y e d d e v e l­

opm ent. T h e ir d e la y in developm ent w a s partly, o r alm ost w holly, due to their c o lo n ia l status. With their liberation, with the first tentative ste p s m ade o n the path to in depen den t building of a state, their potentialities h a v e o f n e c e s s it y multi pled - and the attainment o f in d e p e n d e n ce n e v e rth e le s s h a s m anifested itself a s som ething o f a dual e ffe c t. T h e y c o u ld though free th e m se lv e s o f the extern al influ ence u nfavourable fo r them, still the con ti­

nuation o f a national p o lic y o f their ow n (m o re o v e r a s the p recon d ition of this p o licy , the forg in g to a nation ) p r e s u p p o s e d the e m e rg e n ce o f the tra­

ditions o f their o w n , their past a sp ira tion s, i.e, their b ecom in g a guiding fo r c e and the m otor o f developm ent. T h e s e traditions an d a sp ira tion s w ere, h o w e v e r, m ostly a rch a ic; in the p resen t state o f d evelopm en t (in particular w hen the n o n -s o c ia lis t path w a s c h o s e n ) they w e re in their tren d s a b so lu te ­ ly o f a h indering nature: in their totality th ey suited the A fr ica n tribal com ­ munities o r the A s ia tic feu dal form ations.

It is fo r this r e a s o n that in the le g a l sy ste m s of the A fr o -A s ia tic co u n trie s w e h a v e to r e c k o n with a duality o r with an e v e n m ore com p osite multiple stratification from the v e r y outset. In e a c h c a s e w e m ay o n the o n e

part find the traditional law manifesting itself a s the law of their own of the particular historical (tribal, religious o r c l a s s ) communities, a law which by itself o r in a sso cia tio n with other similar legal system s som ehow em bodies the national (o r more accu rately, the prenational) traditions. A n d on the other part we shall find the law fo r ce d on them b y the states ex e rcisin g colon ia l p ow er o r almost colon ial influence, a law taken o v e r o r inherited from th ese states, which e v e n after appropriate neutralization, limitation, re­

form, o r replacem ent b y another som ehow em bodies o r form s the foundations of m odernization, the intermediary link to the western system s and solutions, the m oorings of becom ing traditional of the institutions and p r o c e s s e s a c ­ ce p te d a s m odem , the framework for their appropriation a s dom estic, the medium of their precipitation. T h is dual roo te d n e ss o f the A fro -A sia tic le ­ ga l system s, the dual so u r c e of their development - at the same time re­

presenting its extreme p o le s and marginal v a lu e s - not only reminds o f the antinomic ch a ra cter of any p r o c e s s of modernization advan cin g through the creation and resolution of continually remanifesting contradictions, but at the same time splits in two the phenomenon, the potentialities and functioning o f the A fr o -A sia tic codification. Namely a s reg a rd s the often a rch a ica lly harsh and rigid, petrified traditional leg a l system s owing their survival to their traditional ch aracter, codification is often the only p o ssib le m eans for the p ractical manipulation o f th ese laws, for their breaking away off their original ca rriers, their statement and positivât ion in a statutory form, and e v e n for their slightest modification. W h ereas for the adapted w estern legal system s codification is in the majority o f in sta n ces not a question of su ch an elem entary nature, but purely the function of con sid era tion s of ex p ed ien ­ c y o r o f the ad h eren ce to instrumental legal traditions.

Within this relative community the problem of codification will of c o u rs e p resen t a number o f unique variants in the states in A frica and A s ia . T herefore if their typification of at least relative validity h a s b een made a point, we ca n set out only from fundamentals of their historical de­

velopment which, e v e n if not e x clu siv e ly sp e cific for the particular types, are n e v e rth e le ss in their ten d en cies, their e ffe cts shaping the physiognom y o f the type in question, in its totality of a determining ch aracter.

A c c o r d in g ly it a p p e a rs to be justified that before all a distinction should be made betw een the system s ruled by Muhammadan law, where a p r o c e s s o f m odernization set in already in the c o u r s e of the 19th century, and w here traditional law w a s formed b y religiou s tea ch in g s and their log i­

ca l c o n s e q u e n c e s a c c e p te d a s revealed, - and the system s where moderni­

zation h as b een formulated a s a task of the present century, in most o f the c a s e s intertwined with the gain o f political-econ om ic in d ep en den ce and the efforts to forge th ese geog ra p h ica l-p olitica l units to nations, and where a s traditional law a yet e v e n more arch aic, d eep ly particularized b od y o f tribal custom ary law ap p ea red often not e v e n su rp a ssin g the threshold o f b e ­ com ing o r transforming to, a law. It should be noted that in the ex p a n sion o f Islam em bracing w hole continents it w a s b y no m eans ex cep tion a l that within a c o n cre te p olitica l-geogra p h ica l unit M oslem religious tradition en­

cou n ters traditions of tribal custom ary law. E ven if o c c a s io n a lly this en­

cou n ter h a s meant not on ly a superficial contact, but a mutually fertilizing c o a le s c e n c e , it h a s not, how ever, influenced the problem of codification and its solution in any d e c is iv e manner. On the other hand we deem it n e c e s ­ sa ry to segrega te, a s a ca te g o ry em bracing e x ce p tio n s rather than autono­

m ous typ es, from th ese two a third variant, regarding the cou n tries of which modernization (or, to Ipe more ex a ct: E uropean ization ) during the en d of the 19th century o r the presen t century, bringing about an unheard-of rise, did not take p la ce on the ground o f the d e c is iv e role o f M oslem o r tribal

traditions. T h u s in th e se c o u n trie s co d ifica tio n h a s not e m e rg e d a s a divid­

e d problem , partly b eq u ea th ed b y their ow n past, partly p o la r iz e d to that a d op ted from foreig n la n d s, but h a s b e e n a c c e p te d o r r e je c te d , a s the c a s e m ay b e , a s align ed to the w estern e x a m p le s determining the w h ole o f le g a l developm en t of th e se c o u n tr ie s in qu estion . I.e. apart from the ty p e s o f Muslim an d tribal cu stom a ry law problem s o f co d ifica tio n w ere apt to em erge w h ich in the last r e so rt c o u ld b e settled o n the pattern o f the c o r r e s p o n d ­ ing E u ro p e a n (C ontinental o r C om m on-law ) system s.

2. M od ern iza tion b y cod ifica tio n in the sy ste m s o f Muhammadan law

Islam ic law is a relig iou s law, it re lie s o n A lla h ’ s revela tion fo r eternity. T h is revelation h a s b e e n giv en a form in the re v e la tio n s o f the fou n d e r of Islam, M ohammed, in the c a n o n iz e d text o f the K o ra n . S c a r c e ly a tenth o f the a n yhow not too bulky com pilation ca lle d K o ra n is a b s o r b e d b y p rofan e (although a c c e p t e d a s h a llo w e d ) in stru ction s fo r e v e r y d a y life.

T h e r e fo re the K o ra n is m erely the b a s is , the final point o f re fe r e n ce , o f the h o ly te a ch in g s on law. F o r sh apin g th e s e te a ch in g s into a system o f le g a l norm s a lrea d y at an e a rly date attention w a s g iv e n to tradition grow n out o f the d e e d s of the P rophet. Later on som e p rin cip le s form ulated b y ju r is d o c to r s o f outstanding authority in the M oslem community fo r the inter­

pretation an d application o f the tradition, unanim ously a p p r o v e d b y the com ­ munity, w e re taken into co n sid e ra tio n , and s o a ls o still later certain solu tion s ow in g their birth to a n a lo g ica l application, in like w a y participating o f the h o lin e s s o f the Law. T h is developm ent and at the sam e time stiffening and c lo s in g o f the s o u r c e s o f Islamic law a d v a n c e d the ca n o n iz a tio n o f the te a ch in g s o n law a s som ething u n ch a n g e a b le . It failed, h o w e v e r, to bring abou t their cod ifica tion .

A s is known co d ifica tio n is on e of the p o s s ib le m e a n s o f the s y s ­ tem atization o f the norm s a s s o u r c e s o f law, their co n so lid a tio n and p r e s e r ­ vation in a form o f sy ste m . T h u s co d ifica tio n will fail w h en it c o m e s to g u a ra n tee the h om ogen eity and uniformity of a la rg e r system , i.e. o n e em­

b ra cin g the further resolu tion and sp e cifica tio n o f th e s e norm s, their inter­

pretation and application. I.e. interpretation n e c e s s a r ily a p p e a rin g with the n e e d fo r p ra ctica l ap p lication and further developm ent b e co m in g inevitable will drive e v e r y system o f a s s e r tio n s o r norm s (s y s t e m s e q u a lly o f reli­

g io u s , p h ilo so p h ica l o r le g a l c o n c e r n ) tow a rd s d iv e rg e n c e a n d splitting into d o ctrin e s. O b v io u sly neither law o f Islam c o u ld a v o id th is dual p r o c e s s o f d evelopm en t and at the sam e time disintegration em erging with the n e c e s s i­

ty of a natural law. H e n ce Muhammadan law c o u ld h a v e b y - p a s s e d secta ria n ­ ism in n o way, still it is ch a ra cte ristic o f its spirit and form ing that about the y e a r 750, s c a r c e ly a few d e c a d e s b e fo re the sep a ra tion o f the s c h o o ls

(" r it e s " ) o f law interpretation now in the p r o c e s s o f gain in g their in d ep en d ­ e n c e , the id e a e m erg ed o f co d ify in g the officia lly a c c e p t e d interpretations o f s a c r e d texts. T h e p r o p o s a l w a s, h o w e v e r, re je cte d b y the khalifa upon the rem on stra n ce o f the fou n d er o f the Malikite rite.2 T h u s the texts com ­ manding s a c r a l v e n e ra tio n h a v e b e co m e petrified in th eir h istorica lly tradi- tion a lized ch a o tic su p e rp o sitio n and turned into u ntouch able s o u r c e s w h ich neith er the politically s o v e r e ig n state p o w e r n o r (o n the p le a o f som e sort o f a th e o cra tic ch a rism ) a n y oth er a g e n c y c o u ld la y h a n d s on .

Islam ic law h a s in this form, with a claim to u n c h a n g e a b le n e s s d e s c e n d e d to posterity through a millennium, w h e re a s in the meantime in

con tra st to this at le a st in prin ciple im m ovable Shari*a law o n ly the admin­

istrative, fis c a l, crim inal and similar p r o v is io n s of a risin g, and then d e c a y ­ ing empire underw ent c h a n g e s . T h e s e p o ss ib ilitie s o f ch a n g e differing b y b r a n c h e s o f law o n the w h ole met the altering n e e d s o f an em pire J until in the 19th cen tu ry they e n co u n te re d n ew n e e d s com in g from E u rop e, the h a rb in g ers o f the im perative o f e c o n o m ic developm en t. T h e proclam ation o f the Tanzim at in 1839, w h ich in r e s p o n s e to d e c is iv e ly F r e n c h in flu en ce p u rp o se d the ste e rin g of the Ottoman Empire into the c o u r s e o f E u rop ea n developm ent, p rom ised c h a n g e s in three dom ains: in r e g io n s c o v e r e d b y Shari*a law not at all o r partially o n ly (i.e . b e fo r e all in crim inal, p ro c e d u ra l and com m ercial la w) the ex istin g regulation w a s s u p e r s e d e d b y r e c e iv e d c o d e s having a s patterns the F re n ch c o d e s ;4 fo r the a p p lica tion of th e s e c o d e s (b e fo r e all fo r that o f the new b o d y o f regu lation s o f com m ercial la w ) s e c u la r co u rts b eca m e e sta b lish e d b y the sid e o f the until then e x ­ c lu s iv e ly ex istin g re lig io u s tribunals in 1860; an d finally Shari*a law and its com p lete p ra ctica l and doctrinal material, the fiqh, w e re co n so lid a te d into a system and (e x c e p t fo r the still intact te a ch in g s o n family law and the law o f in h erita n ce) c o d ifie d in the M ejelle in 1876.

What w a s striking in this p r o c e s s w a s b e fo re all that co d ifica tio n a p p e a re d a s the form o f the F re n ch law -ex p orta tion. T h is a c c o u n t s fo r n e ­ c e s s a r ily that the com pilation o f com m ercial c o d e w a s at the v e r y ou tset the symptom o f the in v a sio n o f W estern law into the s a c r e d realm o f Shari*a law, an in v a sion w h ich brought about the sla ck e n in g o f Shari*a, a law b e ­ lie v e d to be im movable and etern a l.5 A s s o c ia t e d with the o rg a n iza tio n o f com m ercial c o u r ts a s in prin ciple s e c u la r c o u r ts o f e x ce p tio n a l ju risd iction w a s the relegation of the b y -g o n e e x c lu s iv e n e s s o f the e c c le s ia s t ic a l c o u r ts to the store o f r e lic s o f the past. M o r e o v e r the e c c le s ia s t ic a l co u r ts them­

s e lv e s w e re turned into re q u isites o f the past, into tribunals o f e x ce p tio n a l sig n ifica n c e .5 A n d finally, what w a s o f g re a te st im portance, this p r o c e s s cam e to be integrated into a p r o c e s s o f disintegration an d re v iv a l in the light of w hich the cre a tio n o f M ejelle o n the on e part meant the failure o f

the dream c h e r is h e d b y A li P a sh a in 1868 o f the transplantation o f the F re n ch C o d e c iv il, but o n the oth er brought about an ir re v e rsib le , unalter­

able b reak in the developm en t o f Islamic la w , v iz . the se cu la riz a tio n o f Shari*a, its su b m ission to the authority o f state pow er, its attachment to la w -crea tin g human a rb itra rin e ss, its profan ization a s statutory law , all what v ie w e d from the h e a d -w a te rs o f Shari*a law m anifested itself a s d isin teg­

ration 7 in fact.

In the u n iv e rsa l o b lig a to r in e ss of the taqlid w h ich p r e s e r v e d Mu­

hammadan law m ore o r l e s s a s a unity, n o ch a n g e h ad tak en p la ce in point oî principle in the a b solu te and e x c lu s iv e re co g n itio n o f the authority o f interpretations and p r e c e d e n ts b y ju r is d o c to r s o f tim es b y -g o n e from the 10th ce n tu ry on w a rd s through c lo s e to a millennium dow n to the e n d o f the 19th century.® In r e s p o n s e to th e s o c ia l n e e d o f adaptation this law o f Islam n e v e r th e le ss got started and a fo r ce fu l p r o c e s s o f internal e r o s io n set in. A s h a s b e e n s e e n p r o c e s s e s o f this kind w a s the in co rp o ra tio n in cod ifica tion of a re a s not c o v e r e d b y Shari*a, o f p r o v is io n s w h ich in their c o n s e q u e n c e s n e v e r th e le s s set limits to Shari*a in its op era tion . W e h a v e to mention a lso that a beginning w a s made again with the ju xtap osition and confrontation o f the particular rites and in prin cip le infallible te a c h in g s o f ju ris d o cto rs. In the c r e v i c e s o f the p o s s ib ly d is c o v e r e d co n tra d ictio n s then

a n a log ica l r e a so n in g s w e re in serted w h ich in this w a y le d to the form ulation of e x c e p tio n s o r new solu tion s. W hen this n e v e r th e le s s fa iled the s e c u la r co u rts a c h ie v e d the restriction o f Shari*a b y reshuffling the ru le s o f ju ris­

diction and p ro ce d u re without e v e n blushing.^ In co u n tr ie s w h ere the b in d -

ing fo r c e o f traditions p re v a ile d b y a d e g r e e w ea k er, o r w h ich w ere e x ­ p o s e d to the penetration o f im perialistic e c o n o m ic p o lic y d e fe n c e le s s and to a h ig h er d e g re e , th ese manipulating p r o c e s s e s o f law m odern ization w ere e a s ily put a sid e o n ly to ap p ly in stea d m ore e ffe ctiv e , m ore c le a r -c u t so lu ­ tion s o f law re ce p tio n r e m o r s e le s s ly cutting into the live fle sh o f S h ari’a . 10

If w e a c c e p t the ty p o lo g y w h ich b y far not unjustifiably a c c e p t s the develop m en t o f T urk ish law a s standard, the pattern p rov id in g criteria fo r identifying som e le v e ls o f developm ent in the p r o c e s s o f m odernization and la ic iz in g co d ifica tio n o f Islamic law ,11 then after the first p h a se o f c o n q u e s ts and g row in g e x p a n s io n o f Muhammadan law at that time sh ow ing a th e o cra tica l, internal immobility (6 1 0 to 1 8 3 9 ), fo llo w e d b y the s e c o n d p h a se o f incipient fermentation, o f the m idway detachm ent (1 8 3 9 -1 9 1 7 ), w e h ave to r e c k o n the third p h a s e in the d e c a y o f the Ottoman Empire and in the disintegration o f law from the c lo s in g down of the reform s Of T a n z i- mat (1 9 1 7 -1 9 2 6 ), w h en profan e legisla tion a lre a d y re a c h e d the most inviol­

able innerm ost c o r e o f S h ari’a , v iz . the p r o v is io n s g o v e rn in g the p e rso n a l status, the family and inh eritance, and tore them a su n d e r an d m odified them.

It a p p e a r s all this had b e e n the ou tcom e of the te n d e n c y to d eta ch law b y co d ifica tio n from its p ast re lig io u s b o n d s, the inevitable c o n s e q u e n c e o f the' grow in g dem and fo r approxim ation to W estern civ iliza tion (a n d within it the com m anding n e c e s s it y o f em ancipating the w om en an d to make free the matrimony) and not in the last o rd e r o f the final fe e b le n e s s and a g o n y o f the Ottoman Empire during the first W orld War.

A s is w ell known, the v a r io u s le v e ls , la y e r s and co m p o n e n ts o f s o c ia l relation s ca n n o t be iso la te d from o n e an oth er com p letely. If this is c o n s id e r e d in its le g a l c o n s e q u e n c e s then it will mean that e .g . the prom ise o f the m odern ization o f family tie s in p rin ciple ca rrie d with it the E u rop ea n ­ ization o f com m ercial relations. F o r the p re se n t p u rp o se , h o w e v e r, it is of b y far g re a te r sig n ifica n ce that a n y perip h eral rearrangem ent o f Islamic, law, an y rearrangem ent o f n ew dom ains b y W estern te ch n iq u e s o f cod ifica tion , o r e v e n m ore an y restatem ent o f Shari*a law (in its traditions and h istori­

c a l e x p r e s s io n a c a s u is t ic en sem b le drawing c o n c lu s io n s from c a s e to c a s e ) b y the sy ste m -ce n tre d tech n iqu e o f co d ifica tio n settin g out from the a xiom s o f g en era l a b stra ct p rin cip les, s h o o k not o n ly unique, s e le c t e d in­

stitutions o f Muhammadan law, but its entire ou tlook , m ethod, traditional ma­

nifestation and op eration. In the field o f Muhammadan law m odernization it m eans that cod ifica tion (b oth a s re ce p tio n o f co n te n ts an d a s p u rely te ch ­ n ica l tran s-structuration a s re a liz e d b y the M e je lie ) w a s not o n ly the h ar­

b in g e r o f a new, different w orld o f content solu tion s, but a ls o o f another w orld o f a p p ro a ch to, an d id e o lo g y of, law and the m ethods o f its cre a tio n and application. A n d all this, e v e n if in a l e s s sp e c ta cu la r form, in its e r o s iv e and disruptive e ffe c ts m anifested itself in the last re so rt a s a fa cto r com p a ra b le to the e a rlie r, m o r e o v e r in certa in c a s e s penetrating e v e n d e e p ­ e r and p e rh a p s m ore e ffe ctiv e . F o r the c o n s e q u e n c e an d re a ctio n o f a s o c a lle d n o n -o r g a n ic r e ce p tio n , sim ply settling down on the o ld law a s new content, y e t not relievin g o f o r comm ingling with it may e a s ily com e to the fo re a s a duplication o f the law . 12 T h e disruption of a g iv e n leg a l o rd e r from the in side (from the sid e of the spirit, id e o lo g y and m ethods o f this la w ), h ow e v e r, m ay e v e n if slow ly and u n o b s e rv e d , y e t with certainty a c h ie v e its o b je c t: disruption b y te ch n ica l re-structuralization is irresistible and the law c o n c e r n e d will h ardly b e c a p a b le to d efen d itself b y a s u c c e s s ­ ful rea ction obstru ctin g the p r o c e s s . T h e re fo re the transform ing role o f c o d i­

fication h avin g a s ou tcom e a foreign law re ce p tio n will b y fa r not remain re stricte d to the tran sm ission o f con ten t solu tion s. In the c a s e dealt with b e fo re it a p p e a r s w e h ad to talk o f a transsubstantiating, y e t first of all of

a te c h n ic a l recep tion determining the w h ole fate o f the p r o c e s s o f re ce p tio n directly affecting the ou tlook and m ethods o f law*

N ow in T u rk e y transition c h a ra cte ristic o f the third p h a s e took p la ce b y the introduction o f a reform c o d e o f family law in 1917. It rem ains a fact though that after two y e a r s it w a s ab rog a ted . N otwithstanding the return to the p rin cip le s o f Shari*a, h o w e v e r, the e ffe c t s o f the c o d e w e re strong e n ou g h to sh ak e the belief in the etern al invariability o f Shari*a by tying m arriage to a co n tra ct in writing and re c o g n iz in g the w ife’ s right to initiate a d iv o rce suit. T h e c o d e w a s a ls o stron g e n o u g h to bring abou t a duplication o f law am ong the d e se rt tr ib e s clin gin g to o rth o d o x re lig io u s prin cip le and cu stom a ry law ,15 further to s p r e a d the id e a s o f reform s p a r ­ ing n ea rly nothing in a large part o f the M oslem w orld, in the " s u c c e s s i o n states" o f T u rk ey. ^

A p a rt from the Y em en and S audi A ra b ia , both gu a rd in g a u tocra tic in ertn ess, there is virtually n o cou n try in the Islam ic w orld w h ich w ou ld not h ave en tered the path of reform s d e sig n a te d a s the third p h a se an d a d v a n ce d o n it to the end. It w a s b y an iro n y o f h istory, h o w e v e r, that apart from T u rk e y an d the T urk ish community o f C yp ru s there is n o state o f M oslem traditions w h ich within the fram ew ork o f b o u r g e o is developm en t w ou ld h ave eliminated com p letely the le g a l o b je ctifica tio n s o f the c r e e d o f their a n c e s to r s , o r la ic iz e d their le g a l o r d e r to the extrem e co m p on en ts.

Nam ely the territories o f Muhammadan law on b ein g d e ta ch e d from the Otto­

man Empire and on gaining in d e p e n d e n ce o r b ecom in g F r e n c h o r British m andates, r e c e iv e d a stron g impetus to se cu la riza tio n : b y re so rtin g to the law -transplanting te ch n iq u e s o f co d ifica tio n fo r th eir co n te n ts and form tran s­

form ed their com m ercial, c iv il and crim inal law s, su bstan tive a s w ell a s p ro ce d u ra l - y et did not s e v e r the tie s attaching them to the community o f Islamic law. A lth ou gh the duplication o f la w s ca m e to an en d, i.e* o n e w h ich w a s ch a ra cte ristic o f the stru ggle of the o ld and n ew in the s e c o n d p h a se . T h e e x c lu s iv e n e s s o f the old, and then its condominium h a s b e e n re lie v e d b y the e x c lu s iv e n e s s o f the new. T he law, its adm inistration and finally the le g a l ed u cation h a v e even tu ally b e e n unified, an d b e c o m e th orou g h ly éta ­ tiz e d .15

T h e re a r-g u a rd a ction of le g a l traditions h a s not, h o w e v e r , co m e to an en d b y this. M o r e o v e r , the p r o c e s s o f p re se rv a tio n b y terminating h a s found its e x p r e s s io n o f y e t g re a te r n ice ty o n ly n o w .15 E .g. a s far a s the crea tion o f c iv il c o d e s is c o n c e r n e d , c o d e s m ay h a v e b e e n com p iled m ostly u nder the in flu ence of the F re n ch C o d e c iv il.1^ e ffo rts m ay h a v e b e e n made to a ch ie v e what h a s sto o d fo r a s y n th e s is o f E u rop ea n iza tion and the orth od ox Muhammadan te n d e n c ie s ,10 Islam ic law and spirit, w h ich have with m ore o r l e s s c o n s is t e n c y , y e t s u c c e s s fu lly b e e n elim inated from the textual e x p r e s s io n o f c o d e , h ave n e v e r th e le s s fou n d th eir w a y b a c k b y the postulation of Shari*a a s the su b sid ia r y s o u r c e o f law a s an u n ch a n g ­ ing g em ein es R echt of the M oslem w orld, notably in th e p r o v is io n w hich, w hen the C od e w a s silent, h a s p r e s c r ib e d cu sto m a ry law, o r in want o f su ch , the te a ch in g s o f Shari*a p rin cip les, o r o f natural law a n d /o r eq u ity a s ob lig a to ry law .19

T h e su b sid ia r y r e c o u r s e to the traditions o f a com m on p a st o f Islamic law did not take p la ce at a time w h en this p a st w a s still alive, stron g, laying the path to the birth o f nations. On the con tra ry: this r e c o u r s e to the traditions took p la ce w hen that past had a lre a d y b e e n c l o s e d down, b e c o m e a s o c ia lly n eutralized le g a c y , w hen co n fro n te d with the d ia s p o ric sca tterin g follow ing upon the birth o f nations, in a state o f final d iv e r g e n c e that com ­ mon past w a s all that w a s left o v e r , what s e r v e d a s a link, what rem inded som ething a s a certain community. A lth ou g h the function o f traditions c o u ld

p rev a il with a m uch g r e a te r m od esty than the E u rop ea n g em e in e s R echt, the building o f W estern te ch n iq u e s and c o n te n ts o f co d ifica tio n upon Islam­

ic s u b sid ia r in e ss, the filling o f it$ c r e v i c e s with Islamic le g a l id e o lo g y n e v e r th e le s s meant the v ic t o r y o f traditions. It is a sig n o f the relativity o f a n y com p rom ise that in E gypt the p re se rv a tio n o f Muhammadan law a s c r e v ­ ice -fillin g fram ework w a s v a lu e d a s r e c o ilin g from definitive la iciza tion , w h e r e a s in l e s s w e s te rn iz e d co u n trie s the sam e c o u ld m anifest itself still a s a ste p forw ard. ^0

In addition th ere w a s y e t an oth er fa c to r w h ich notwithstanding the alm ost com p lete appropriation of E u rop ea n te ch n iq u e s o f co d ifica tio n o r the c o n s e q u e n t continuation o f the p ra ctice o f la w -re ce p tio n b lo c k e d the m ajority o f the sta te s o f Islam at a certa in le v e l and in the last re so rt m arshalled them into a m aze o f internal co n tra d ictio n s. B riefly this w a s that family law and the law of in h eriten ce h ad u n d erg on e a p r o c e s s o f reform ation, without, h o w e v e r, ch a n gin g its c o lo u r : the law o f p e r so n a l status put o n a m o d e m g u is e o f cod ifica tion , and y e t it p e r siste d in its intrinsic lo y a l attachment to the a n cestors* M oslem tr a d itio n s .^

H e n ce it a p p e a r s that co d ifica tio n had s e v e r a l fa c e s , o r sh o w e d at le a s t s e v e r a l in the ad van cem en t o f the Muhammadan law developm ent.

It s e e m s from the e ffe c ts o f the M e je lie and the restatem ent o f family and p e r s o n a l relation s b y cod ifica tio n that co d ifica tio n had a d e c is iv e role in se g re g a tin g this traditionally re lig io u s law from the faith and its o b je ctifica ­ tion s and in se c u la r iz in g its en sem b le o f norms. A t the sam e time its role did b y fa r not com e to an en d b y p rovidin g m eans fo r étatisation o r b y a s s is tin g at the ob je ctifica tio n o f law in a profane le g a l form. A s h a s b e e n se e n , in the com plete reform ation of com m ercial and civ il relation s, in the full r e -sh a p in g o f the punitive system , co d ifica tio n a p p e a re d a s the form of a com p lete o r partial law-importation. T h e circu m sta n ce, h ow e v e r, that c o d i­

fica tion a p p e a re d a s the medium o f re ce p tio n o f g iv e n co n te n ts an d /or form s, further that it m anifested itself in all c a s e s a s an autonom ous fa cto r of le ­ g a l developm ent, m ostly in discontinuity with its en viron m en ts (a rriv in g a s a stra n g er and often stayin g o n ) , and not a s an o rg a n ic moment of the un­

b re a k a b le p r o c e s s o f an o rg a n ic developm ent, a lso re fe r s to p ecu lia r d e fo r­

mities. What is re fe rre d to h e re is that the new co d ifie d restatem ents o f Shari*a law, the o n e su p e rim p o se d o n the other, did not p u rp o se in fact a la w -em b od y in g cod ifica tion : they w e re m erely m eans, m od est form s o f re­

n e w e d (a n d partial: timid o r id e a -le s s , y e t a lw a y s fragm en tary) reform, fur­

ther that the re ce p tio n -a p p ro a c h to co d ifica tio n frequ en tly brought about the atrop h y o f the internal f o r c e s o f le g a l develop m en t;22 an d the som etim es e x a g g e r a te d turning of attention to foreign solu tion s ( a s p o s s ib le patterns fo r r e c e p tio n ), the e x a g g e r a te d con cen tra tion o f le g a l developm en t o n the p o ssib ilitie s o f recep tion , its b ecom in g the function o f alien inspirations p ro d u c e d m ixtures d e p o sin g on dom estic law a s in org a n ic, in their com p o­

n ents grating again st o n e an oth er o r thrust out a s foreig n b o d i e s . ^ I.e.

the fa ct that in the fe v e r o f E urop ean ization the co d ifica tio n b y recep tion w a s c o n s id e r e d a p a n a ce a , an om nipotent and b y itself sufficient m ean s fo r m odern ization o f law, m o r e o v e r that e v e n a m oderate adaptation o f the re­

c e iv e d law to lo c a l cir cu m s ta n c e s h ad in m ost o f the c a s e s b e e n ign ored, w a s in its ultimate e ffe c ts the c a u s e why in the breakthrough o f reform s brutally upsetting traditional law the appropriation o f the w e ste rn patterns.

their in co rp o ra tio n o r adaptation w ere in reality reta rd ed .

T h is is the situation w h ere the le s s w ou ld h a v e e a s ily b e e n the m ore. In a n y c a s e it rem ains a fact that the dom estic developm en t and ad ap ­ tation o f the r e c e iv e d c o d e s , their cre a tiv e p ra ctice tending tow a rd s a rela­

tive in d e p e n d e n ce did not b e co m e sufficien tly familiar in territories p o s s e s s -

ing the p ast community o f Islam, at le a st both developm en t a n d p r a ctice r e ­ mained b e lo w their ow n potentialities. Furtherm ore it rem ains a fa ct that the re ce p tio n -a p p ro a ch to co d ifica tio n c o n ce n tra te d o n fo re ig n c o d e s a s en sem ­ b le s o f norm s to m out from their s o c io - le g a l con tex t an d c o n c e iv e d in an a b stra ct form, in stead o f handling th e se a s mom ents h a vin g m erely a rela ­ tive in d e p e n d e n ce , o f co m p o site s o c io - le g a l p r o c e s s e s o f motion. T h e re fo re this a p p ro a ch ig n o re d not o n ly the s p e c ia l-u n iq u e co m p o n e n ts o f c o d e s w holly unsuitable fo r transplantation, but, what is a sig n o f sh ortsigh ted ­ n e s s a lread y, it a lso ig n o re d their w h ole le g a l environm ent, con tex tu a l re­

lation s (their native d o ctrin e s, ju d icia l p ra ctice , developm en t b y supplem ent­

ary la w s ). A n d finally the fa ilu res resulting from m e ch a n ica l r e ce p tio n s o f law, the sen sitivity a r o u s e d b y their d ra stic e ffe c ts c r e a te d a situation w here the will o f the re v iv a l o f Muhammadan traditions, th eir en forcem en t a s dom estic con ten ts in m o d e m form s h ad co m e to b e s e c u la r iz e d : to d a y it is a pu rely s o c ia l fo r c e , n otably nationalism living in particular am ong A r a b p e o p le s and making efforts for rev iv in g national tradition s that h a s b e co m e the sta n d a rd -b e a re r o f Muhammadan le g a l trad ition s.24

A gen u in ely radical, com plete transform ation o f the le g a l system h a s b e e n c a rrie d through b y T u rk e y p e rh a p s m ost co n siste n tly . T h is w a s a reform com pleted *'by the strok e o f the pen", a ra d ica l c h a n g e -o v e r bringing about a r e le n tle ss turn, a total b re a k in le g a l develop m en t. In fact in the c o u r s e o f three y e a r s , eight w h olly fo re ig n c o d e s h ad b e e n in­

tro d u ce d w hich s o to s a y in its totality re p la c e d traditional, then still e f­

fective law.25 E ve n if particular, s p e c ific a lly unique o r c h a n c e -lik e fa c t o r s had a w ord to sa y ,26 a s r e g a rd s both the role -p la y in g o f E u ro p e a n c o d i­

fication and the w a y s o f a p o s s ib le b rea k with Muhammadan le g a l traditions, what w a s of g rea test in terest w a s the ad op tion of the S w is s Z iv ilg e s e tz b u ch T h e re ce p tio n o f the S w iss C o d e g a v e e x p r e s s io n to the a n tiq u a ted n ess o f the F re n ch C od e c iv il in particular in its regulation o f fam ily relation s a s w ell a s to the internal com p lexity o f the Germ an B ü r g e r lic h e s G e s e t z - b u ch lo sin g itself in minute details, c o m p e n sa te d o n ly sligh tly b y co n te n ts heralding future developm ent. T h e p ra ctice o f re ce p tio n o f the T u rk ish R e­

public had a s its p u rp o se the brutal s u b v e r s io n o f e a rlie r law; it p erform ed this task in fa ct con sisten tly , without com p rom ises; it h a s tran sform ed the lega l system in its totality in a w h olly co m p re h e n siv e manner. B y this it h a s r e a ch e d the fourth p h a se o f Muhammadan law develop m en t begin n in g in 1926. A s a matter o f c o u r s e fo r this b y the sid e o f m o d e m co n te n ts a lso a su fficiently sim ple w a y o f e x p r e s s io n o n the optimum le v e l o f g e n e r ­ ality w a s n e e d e d , n otably a form w hich in the p ra ctica l co n c re tiz a tio n o f the g iv e n con ten ts e n su re d a relative freedom o f a ction a n d the w id e st p o ssib le s p a c e fo r adaptation.

A s a matter of fact in T u rk ey the a ct o f re ce p tio n h a d a s its p u rp o se the adoption of c o d e s o n ly a s en tities standing b y th e m se lv e s a n d isola ted from their s o c io - le g a l con text, a s textual o b je ctifica tio n s transmitting tech n ica l solu tion s sa tisfa cto ry b y th em selv es. R e ce p tio n had b e fo re it the identity of the e n a cte d starting point of a p ositiv e le g a l d og m a tics an d not o f the ach ievem en t of a p ra ctica l end. A n d fo r an id e o lo g y in the light o f w hich at the v e r y ou tset "the statutes are but sim ply the fram ew ork s o f law s. F o r real law d e v e lo p s within the limits o f th e se fram ew ork s, in a p ­ plication and p ra ctice sh a p e d to suit the e x ig e n c ie s o f the co u n try ,2 ? _ now from the spectrum o f su c h an id e o lo g y the p rin cip led g e n e ra lity o f the r e c e iv e d c o d e , its p r o v is io n s o n the filling o f g a p s, the in c r e a s e d ro le and in d e p e n d e n ce o f the ju d g e w e re n e e d e d that in the w a k e o f the sam e text T urkish le g a l p ra ctice sh ou ld fo r its co n te n ts b e c o m e a u ton om ou s, a p r a c ­ tice tending tow ard s in d e p e n d e n ce an d m ore and m ore ad ap tin g itself to the, from the S w iss m odel different, s p e c ific national c o n d itio n s.2 8

H e n ce co d ifica tio n a s a m ean s o f the law re ce p tio n con cen tra tin g o n the m ere text d o e s not qualify itself a s v a lu a b le o r w o rth le ss. T urk ish cod ifica tio n b y re ce p tio n o f fo re ig n c o d e s with a ru th le s s n e s s and ra d ica l­

ism h a s brought about the d irect replacem ent o f a traditional re lig io u s le g a l system o f ro o ts stru ck into feudalism b y the law o f a d e v e lo p e d , m o n o p o l- capitalist, s e c u la r political an d s o c ia l formation. B y the institutionalized o p e n ­ ing o f the v a lv e s o f lo o s e n in g an d refining, with an e ffic a c y gathering strength e v e n s u c h a replacem ent c o u ld b e co m e , if not fr e e o f problem s, still p o s s ib le . T h is is e x p r e s s e d b y the circu m sta n c e that the c o e x is t e n c e o f a fo re ig n c o d e -te x t with d om estic le g a l developm en t h a s still p e r s p e c tiv e s , r e s e r v e s not e x h a u ste d b y continual mutual reg en era tion e v e n today. T h e c o d e h a s with its p r e s e n c e and c o e x is t e n c e o f half a cen tu ry, it a p p e a rs, c o a l e s c e d with oth er traditional institutions and sy ste m s o f norm s o f T u r ­ k ish s o c ie t y to a rem arkable o rg a n ic w h ole. A t le a st this is what the r e c o g n i­

tion s u g g e s ts nam ely that re ce p tio n is c o n s id e r e d m ore co n v e n ie n t than all the (n a tio n a l) v a ria n ts w h ich c o u ld h a v e b e e n com p iled b y the re ce iv in g n ation s th e m se lv e s, then an d a ls o to day. 29

3, C odification a s m eans o f the reform and replacem ent of the tribal cu stom a ry law traditions

In the s o c ia l and political sy ste m s p resen tin g tribal cu stom a ry law a s their traditional origin a l law, confrontation with the p re se n t h ad its b e ­ ginning o n ly a few y e a r s , o r still better d e ca d e s,, b e fo re . T h is d e la y b e a r s testim ony not o n ly to the b a c k w a r d n e s s o f conditions, inherited from c o lo n i­

zation, but a ls o o f the s iz e and urgent nature o f the ta sk to b e a cco m p lish ­ ed. F o r in the p rin cip le s an d p o lic ie s o f c o lo n ia l rule a p e c u lia r con trast, in its ou tcom e at the sam e time a d ia lectic identity, w e re the fe a tu re s o f F r e n c h and British c o lo n ia l administration. N am ely the c o lo n iz e r s irresp e c­

tive o f w hether th ey in trod u ced the F re n ch ty p e o f dom inion fo rcin g o n the c o lo n ie s their ow n institutions at an y c o s t s , o r the British type o f dominion p r e se rv in g the traditional institutions o f the native population (w h e re the institutions o f the m etropolitan cou n try form ed the fram ew ork o n ly ), y e t in the last r e so rt d e c is iv e ly th ey differed from on e an oth er in the form s o f manipulation with in d ig e n o u s le g a l system s, in the m ethods o f penetration on ly , but not in the pure fa ct of it.

T h e co lo n ia l p o w e rs, ir r e sp e c tiv e o f w hether with th eir administra­

tion th ey r e je c te d the in d ig e n o u s institutions, like the F re n ch , o r allow ed them to o p e ra te within the fram ework o f institutions o f the m etropolis o f their own, like the British, even tu ally did not eliminate o r r e p la ce the traditional, original sy ste m s o f law o f the territories in qu estion . What th ey did w a s a duplication o f law at m ost.30 B y integrating their ow n law a s a rampart o r a sa fe ty v a lv e , h ow ev er, in the ultimate ou tcom e th ey n e v e r th e le s s left the native la w s to their fate.. T h e c o lo n ia l p o w e rs did not both er much about the developm en t of in d ig e n o u s law s; th êy co n ce n tra te d th eir efforts o n the op era tion o f their ow n law and institutions to a d e g re e just sufficient in the circu m s ta n c e s. Nam ely co n tra ry to the prin ciple o f non-in terven tion s o s e ­ riou sly w anted to o b s e r v e in the British India o f the 19th ce n tu ry ,3 1 and then later in the 20th cen tu ry mainly in territories with Muhammadan tradi­

tion s in fa ct enforced,32 |n British d e p e n d e n cie s , in the e v e r y d a y p ra ctice o f co lo n ia l administration a s its p ro p e r outcom e the suprem e rule o f Com­

mon Law b eca m e esta b lish e d , w hich then in o r d e r to w e a k e n the native c u s ­ tom ary law s a s fa r a s this c o u ld be don e, at le a st in their formal e n fo r c e -

ment le d to their gra d u a l fo r cin g b a c k and su bordin ation to the p rin c ip le s of E nglish law. 3 C o n se q u e n tly lo c a l cu stom s, v ie w e d from the p e r s p e c tiv e o f ce n tu rie s, did s c a r c e ly d e v e lo p . Owing to the con tin u al re p ro d u ctio n o f the co n d itio n s o f a s u b s is t e n c e primitive e co n o m y o f tribal com m unities the cu stom s in question even tu a lly d e s c e n d e d to p osterity without b ein g allow ­ ed. to cry sta lliz e at le a st in their le g a l c h a r a c te r . T h e s e cu s to m s not o n ly did not b e co m e d e ta ch e d from the o rg a n ic unity o f the e v e r y d a y p r a ctic e o f s o c ie t y p re se rv in g them, but did not e v e n b e co m e differentiated from oth er norm s regulating the tribal community life. It w a s fo r th is re a s o n that a s p e cia list in A fr ic a n law c o u ld d e c la r e : "In stead o f stating that in a s o ­ cie ty c a lle d primitive nothing is law, w e might a s w ell state that every th in g qualifies a s law in th e se s o c ie tie s ."® 4 Now the en sam ble o f s u c h ritual, m oral and le g a l cu stom s w a s what con stituted fo r the A fr ic a n co u n trie s now independent, in their p re-n ation state o f p a rticu la rized n ess, the le g a l tradi­

tion s o f th eir ow n, their intrinsic p rop erties.

On gaining in d e p e n d e n ce th e se territories now in p o s s e s s i o n o f a sta teh ood o f their ow n m ostly took o v e r the s o u r c e s o f law im p o se d o n them in the c o lo n ia l a g e . In this manner c o lo n ia l leg isla tion re g e n e ra te d often a s autonom ous, s o v e r e ig n law-making. A s a function o f su ch a p ro ­ c e s s the ea rlier m etropolitan law w a s m ostly allow ed to live o n , an d later p r o v is io n s w ere made fo r admitting a s an au xiliary s o u r c e the e a rlie r c u s ­ tom ary law . T h e circu m s ta n ce that s o v e r e ig n leg isla tion m ade rapid strid e s, that not o n ly the legisla tion o f the c o lo n ia l a g e su rv iv ed , but a ls o a s a u xi­

liary s o u r c e the dom estic law o f the form er co lo n iz in g p o w e r , c o u l d not affect the triumphant re v iv a l o f cu stom a ry law , its making h e a d w a y in d iv e r s e form s y e t in an in c r e a s in g manner, o r its attaining an alm ost predom inant formative role. Nam ely cu stom a ry law w a s b y no m ea n s the remnant of ancient system s, a s it might h a v e a p p e a re d in the ou tlook o f the co lo n ia l administration. C ustom ary law w a s som ething to w hich the population a d ­ h e re d a s to its m ost innate ow n ,37 a s to som ething that stu ck fa st in d is­

so lu b ly and ad eq u a tely to the g iv en e c o n o m ic -s o c ia l conditions,® ® a s to som ething w h ich th erefore d is p o s e d not o n ly o f a past, but a ls o o f a p r e s ­ ent and e v e n a future.

T h is is b e fo re all born e out b y the circu m sta n ce that the attain­

ment o f political freedom le d to an unh eard o f risin g tide o f tribal an d na­

tional s e lf-c o n s c io u s n e s s . T h e growth o f political p otentialities w a s a c c o m ­ panied b y the g e n e s is o f a p e cu lia r community - an in te r-A fric a n id e o lo g y . T h e c o n s c io u s n e s s o f A frica n e ity took sh a p e , som ething that p olitical le a d ­ e r s like S en gh or. Nkrumah and o th e rs a ls o a w ak en ed , s u g g e s te d an d p ro­

claim ed, and made the b y trib es different traditions o f cu sto m a ry law o n e o f the e x p r e s s io n s , em bodim ents and g u a rd s o f the form s o f b e h a v io u r o f this A frica n eity, the mirror o f the com m on mentality o f the A fr ic a n ethnic g ro u p s.

It may a p p ea r fairly w ell a s a con trad iction , and a ls o an tagon istical, that fo r the A frica n co u n trie s now e n rich e d in potentialities and entering the path o f state-building, this cu stom a ry law h a s b e co m e som ething g iv e n partly a s the most a n a ch ron istic, and e x a c tly ow in g to their primitivity a s a lv a g e d p ie c e of their past, and partly a s the prom ise o f fulfilment o f com ing to th e m se lv e s o f the A fr ic a n p e o p le s and their traditions, a s the d e p o sita ry o f an A fr ic a n future p r e s e r v e d from the g o ld e n a g e lo n g p a st.

T h is con tradiction , e x a c tly b e c a u s e it is a rea l o n e , c a n h a rd ly b e r e s o lv e d b y the rejection o r elimination of the on e o r the oth er o f its con flictin g parts. Nam ely both s id e s a re b y th e m se lv e s and taken seriatim true. A ll that m ay b e qu estion ed is w hether th ey refute o n e an oth er d irectly, i.e.

w hether th ey are mutually e x c lu s iv e , o f an antinomic nature. F ollow in g from what h a s b e e n set forth it can not be dou bted that in its p r e s e n t state th is

b o d y o f cu stom a ry law is a grow th of m e past tribal orga n iza tion . A t the sam e time neither is it doubtful that this law a c c e p t s comm unity with A f­

rica n traditions not o n ly on the le v e l o f tribal organ ization . A p a rt from this it a p p e a r s fo r certain ( a s e v id e n c e ca llin g fo r no p ro n o u n ce d confirm ation o n the part o f s p e c ia lis ts in A fr ic a n la w ) that the d a y s o f the su rviva l o f lo c a l cu sto m s in this form a re cou n ted in A fr ica . A n d s in c e the on ly form o f their e x is t e n c e is the p r e s e r v in g and o b je ctify in g p r a ctice o f the c o r r e ­ sp on d in g community, their dilemma is b y fa r g r a v e r than that o f the spinning w h e e ls o f the Hungarian p e a s a n ts dumped in the garret, o r o f the c u p b o a rd s thrown on to the y a rd . B y the sid e o f the actu ally p red icta b le trend o f d e ­ velopm en t within y e a r s o r d e c a d e s th e se cu stom a ry law s will h a v e to d is ­ a p p e a r from the life o f community without their le s s o n ’ s b e in g studied b y le g a l eth n ogra p h y and an th ropology, o r without b ein g u s e d fo r legisla tion e a g e r to b e c o m e n a t io n a l.^ p o r jn the triple ta sk standing b e fo r e the en orm ou s w ork o f A fr ica n le g a l develop m en t, v iz . m odernization, unification and A frica n iza tio n , o b v io u s ly m odernization is the m ost important and it is w h ich in the o n e o r the o th e r form, without the p o ssib ility o f b ein g parried, o p e r a te s again st the continuation o f cu stom a ry law a s cu sto m a ry law, i.e.

tow a rd s its liquidation. 40

A s is known, h o w e v e r, the relative c le a r s ig h te d n e s s a s re g a rd s the p e r s p e c tiv e s is no r e co m p e n se fo r the u n s e ttle d n e ss o f the a g e n d a of the p resen t. A study o f the program m es o f legislation is though often apt to cre a te the im p ression a s if the new sta tes w ere prim arily striving fo r b ecom in g fr e e d o f the fetters o f cu stom a ry law .41 In reality, h ow ev er, it a p p e a r s the q u estion is not to p ou r the b a b y with the bath, i.e . to liquidate the traditions, but it is o f the problem o f their utilization, the s e le c t io n o f its e x p e d ie n t fram ework and form s. Namely, a s h a s b e e n sa id , there is a - greem en t in s o far a s cu stom a ry law ca n n ot a s su ch con stitute the law o f the future. 'To d e cid e , h o w e v e r, what the p resen t will h a v e to d o, d e p e n d s o n the role a cte d b y the actu al system o f cu stom ary law in the s o c ia l and id e o lo g ic a l moulding o f the g iv e n community, on the faith in viability o f the traditions o f cu stom a ry law, o n the form o f the community d evelopm en t to a nation, o n the quality o f its te n d e n c ie s o f rationalization.

In th is w ay a v a rie ty o f alternatives b egin to unfold th e m se lv e s a s r e g a r d s the p re se n t o f cu stom a ry law. T h e s e are alternatives w h ich h a v e not m ov ed in the h y p o sta tize d dichotom y o f com plete s u p e r s e s s io n o r com ­ plete su rviva l, but h ave g iv e n b y fa r m ore sh a d e d a n s w e r s to the question.

A n d it is e x a ctly in this com p lexity c o n ce r n in g the p resen t o f cu stom a ry law and its id e o lo g ic a l reflection that the problem o f co d ifica tio n turns up.

One o f the alternatives, v iz . the ju dicial developm ent o f cu stom a ry law s is e s s e n tia lly the denial o f the path of cod ifica tion . T h e h isto rica lly grow n oth er path, v iz . the co n so lid a tio n o f cu stom a ry law b y its putting down in written form is o n the oth er hand the affirmation o f co d ifica tio n , in its form reminding o f registration b y coutum iers of E u rop ea n feu d a l cu stom a ry la w s a s a prelim inary form o f cod ifica tion . T h e third path, v iz . the replacem ent o f the w h ole b o d y o f cu stom a ry law b y w a y o f n ew la w -c o d e s is finally the com plete exploitation o f the s to c k o f m eans o f co d ifica tio n , o f its instru­

mental potentialities. It is a solution the next o f kin o f w h ich m ay p erh a ps b e d is c o v e r e d som ew h ere about the different varian ts o f the Muhammadan law cod ifica tion .

A s r e g a rd s the developm ent o f lo c a l cu sto m s b y the e v e r y d a y p ra ctice o f lo c a l ju diciary, this - e x a ctly b e c a u s e its c a u s e s an d c o n s e ­ q u e n c e s e q u a lly c o n s is t in the re je ctio n o f co d ifica tio n - amounts to a ta c­

tic s putting off the problem rather than solv in g, it. F o r it sta n d s to re a s o n that though cu stom a ry law le n d s itself rea d ily to sh ap in g e q u a lly b y ju d icia l

w a y and le g isla te ry o n e , partial m oulding o f its con ten ts, h o w e v e r, can not a cco m p lish the task o f its transform ation to written law. A da p ta tion o f c u s ­ tomary law in su c h a w a y m ay c l o s e som ew hat the a b y s s se p a ra tin g its con ten ts from the dem ands o f m odernization, still it ca n n ot c h a n g e the b a ­ s ic ch a ra c te r of cu stom a ry law w hich is the prin cipal s o u r c e o f its a n a ch ­ ronism. T h is form o f adaptation will mean a com prom ise s p e c ia lly c o r r o b o ­ rated b y the fact that in the co u n trie s w h ere the d e sire h a s em e rg e d fo r su ch a slow developm ent through this p ra ctice , in m ost of the c a s e s n ei­

ther the unification n or the cen tralization o f the orga n iza tion o f ju d icia ry h a s yet taken p la ce . A n d y e t what a p p e a r s to be p rob a b le, the developm ent o f tribal cu stom ary law, in am ong th e m se lv e s p a rticu la rized traditional tribal c o u r ts iso la te d from co u r ts o f written law ca n n ot s e r io u s ly c a r r y with it the prom ise o f either m odernization o r unifieation.4 ^ M u ch h a s b e e n d is c lo s e d of this procrastinating ta ctic s, e x ch a n g in g the actual risk o f a ctio n fo r the se cu rity o f h op e relyin g u pon itself, b y the b e h a v io u r o f U gan da, w h o s e trend h a s b e e n defined b y a governm ent Drop o sa i h op in g fo r the automatic m erger o f cu stom ary law into written law. ^ N otably the b e lie f that d isa p ­ p e a ra n ce o f cu stom ary law pred icta b le fo r the n e a r future will p e the m ore o r l e s s sp on ta n eou s c o n s e q u e n c e o f unification o f the c o u r ts o f law, h a s re lie v e d th ose r e sp o n sib le fo r legislation o f all to b e d on e. A n d ch a ra cter^

istica lly th o se h ave b e e n r e lie v e d not o n ly o f the w ork o f co d ifica tio n , but, o n the pattern of the p ra ctice of the a g e o f co lo n iza tio n a ls o o f the in co n ­ v e n ie n c e to authorize again the suprem e cou rt to ap p ly lo c a l cu stom a ry

law s. T h is is the point w h ere p o lic y qualifying a s su b je ctiv e h a s b e e n thwarted b y the lo g ic o f s o c ia l developm ent. S o c ia l e x ig e n c ie s h a v e d e c e iv ­ ed, and c o rr e c te d , th e se h o p e s and ultimately Suprem e co u rt h a s a ls o b e e n fo r c e d to a pply cu stom a ry law, a p o lic y a d v a n cin g its d evelop m en t b y p r a ctic e .44

D ev elop in g and sh apin g cu stom ary law b y ju d icia l p r a ctic e might a s w ell be a program o f leged p o lic y kn ow in gly undertaken a n d willed, plan­

n ed and applied,4 5 regard in g its va lu e, h ow ev er, b e y o n d a co n je c tu r a l a n a lo g y with developm ent o f E uropean law in Antiquity, the M iddle A g e s and m o d em times it ca n n ot s e r v e a s the b a s is fo r drawing c o n c lu s io n s o f an y kind. E ven in want of com p leted e x p e r ie n c e s a c c e p ta b le a s re p r e se n ta ­ tive it a p p e a rs to b e certain that developm ent o f cu sto m a ry law b y ju d icia ry p ro v id e s no d e c is iv e ly new quality, and what it may o ffe r a s n ew in c o n ­ tents, may be ex p loited o n ly a s raw material fo r cod ifica tion .

C on seq u en tly judicial d evelop »!en t o f cu stom a ry law will a p p e a r a s a state o f transition on ly, a s an interm ediary p h a se , w h ich in the o n e w a y o r the oth er p a v e s the path to the cod ifica tion o f cu stom a ry la w . T h is is b orn e out b y the fact that developm ent o f cu stom a ry law b y the ju d g e w a s a u su ally a c c e p te d m ean s o f developm ent o f cu stom a ry law in the p ra ctice o f in d ig en ou s co u rts of the c o lo n ia l era, still it n e v e r le d to a substantial result worth d is cu s s io n . T h e c a s e w a s altogeth er different with the co d ifi­

cation o f cu stom ary law, w hich a s the natural (y e t not in evitable and, ow ing to the undervaluation o f cu stom a ry law in the c o lo n ia l era, not e v e n too fre q u e n t) c o n s e q u e n c e o f ju dicial developm ent o f cu sto m a ry law p ro d u c ­ e d w o rk s o f outstanding im portance a lre a d y in the p r e c e d in g p e rio d .4 ^ T h u s putting down in a summarizing written form o f lo c a l cu stom s, their c o n s o lid a ­ tion in the form o f c o d e s a p p e a r s to b e a p r o g r e s s o f a m ore d e c id e d c h a r ­ a cte r than ju dicial developm ent, a p r o g r e s s nam ely prom ising d irect re su lts and th erefore from the point o f v ie w o f s o c ia l d evelopm en t m ore d e sira b le . Nattirally * w e h ave to rem em ber that not e v e n the co d ifica tio n o f cu sto m a ry laW must b e reg a rd ed a s a b y itself sa tisfa cto ry result o r p r o c e s s a b stra ct­

e d from the h istorical ta sk o f the m odernization o f law in A fr ic a .

U n d er the a ctu a l co n d itio n s o f le g a l developm en t in A fr ic a an d A s ia (e m b ra cin g a ls o the moulding e ffe ct o f the ju d icia l a p p lica tion o f c u s ­ tom ary law exten din g o v e r many d e c a d e s an d e v e n c e n tu r ie s ) the c o d ific a ­ tion o f cu stom a ry law is the op en in g a ct o f a h isto rica l p r o c e s s rather than its termination. Its fundamental sig n ific a n ce m an ifests itself in that it s h a k e s the system of an cien t cu sto m s in their firmest, m ost p r o p e r foundations, v i z . in their m ost intimate and o r g a n ic union with the e v e r y d a y life o f tribal community. It r e m o v e s them from their fou n d ation s and o b je c t ifie s to an e x ­ ternal im age. C odification b rin g s about betw een the form c h a n g e d in quality and the s c a r c e ly m odified co n te n ts a d is c r e p a n cy , an in n er co n flict w h ich will o f n e c e s s it y drag the co n te n ts b e fo re the c r o s s r o a d s . F o r the written, fixed, e x te rn a liz e d form will b rea k down th e se con ten ts to elem ents o f a form, its bare partial moments, w hich will s e v e r the co n te n ts from their life-g iv in g ro o ts, stiffen s them and in their g iv e n h isto rica l state - s o to s a y fix e d a s a sn a p sh o t - at o n c e distorts them to their ow n death-m ask.

B y this the developm ent o f cu stom a ry law a s s u c h will o n the w h ole com e to its end, y e t the new form a s allow ed b y its potentialities will p rov id e fa cilities fo r manipulation with new, m ore a d v a n c e d m ean s, i.e. fo r adaptation and reform ation b y m ean s o f te ch n iq u e s o f leg isla tion an d judicial law -appli­

ca tion r e c e iv e d and radiated from E u ro p e .

T h u s in neither time n o r s p a c e the cod ifica tio n o f tribal cu stom a ry law sta n d s far from the p e cu lia r fu n ction s o f co d ifica tio n w h ich in the “ s u c ­ c e s s i o n sta te s” o f the b o d y o f b e lie fs o f Islam h o v e c a lle d to life the M e je lie and sim ilar p ro d u cts o f legislation , legisla tion nam ely w h ich b y the right of s o v e r e ig n authority h a v e s e c u la r iz e d re lig io u s law relyin g on revela tion to p o sitiv e d statutes. In all th e se two d ia le ctica lly intertwined p r o c e s s e s h a ve p r o v e d to be o f a d e c is iv e ch a ra cte r, nam ely o n the o n e part the rem oval o f traditional law from its original, life-givin g and p re se rv in g medium and con text, and o n the other, the in oculation and tra n s-stru ctu ra liza tion o f this a r c h a ic law with E u rop ea n le g a l te ch n iq u e s. Notwithstanding its community h ic et n unc o f the m odernization o f Muhammadan law the co d ifica tio n o f cu stom a ry law in the co u n tr ie s o f A fr ic a and A s ia is tied, m ea su red b y h isto rica l standards, b y a d e e p e r relationship to the putting in. authoritative written form o f the cu stom a ry law s o f the feu d a l a g e in E u ro p e . N am ely a s a h isto rica l task the co n so lid a tio n into national le g a l sy ste m s o f the grea t E u rop ea n m o sa ic o f law s b o m o f the cu stom ary law o f T e u to n ic trib es and the is l e s o f cu stom a ry la w s o f E uropean feu dal particularism (p a ra lle l to the k in g s' cen tra lizin g e fforts brought with it) w a s the sam e a s the integra­

tion o f cu stom a ry law s o f the A fr ic a n trib es into national le g a l sy stem s. It w a s the function o f co n so lid a tin g and unifying in written form the law a s g ird e d with n a rrow er o r w id er reform atory te n d e n c ie s .4?

Within this o b v io u s fact o f g e n e tic-h isto ric a l rela tion sh ip ,46 h ow ­ e v e r , c o n s id e r a b le d is c r e p a n c ie s ap p ear. W hat, a p p e a re d first, in feudal E urop e the c a s e w a s o n e o f the c o n v e r s io n s o f unwritten form o f a with itself m ore o r l e s s iden tical law into its written form, i.e. o f a c h a n g e -o v e r betw een the equ ally p o s s ib le an d in different h istorica l p e r io d s eq u a lly a d e ­ quate form s of g iv e n con ten ts. In the c a s e o f tribal cu stom a ry law s, how ­ e v e r, the is s u e is o n e g o in g bey on d a m erely formal c h a n g e -o v e r , v iz . a c o n v e r s io n o f law from the o n e of its potentialities and c o n c e p tio n s to anoth­

e r o n e in its ro o ts w h olly differing from the ea rlier. N otably the s o c ia l phenom enon, w h ich in the tribal cu stom s a p p e a r e d a s legal, w a s not a s y s ­ tem o f form alized varian ts o f b eh a v iou r s e rv in g a s sta n d a rd ized pattern in the sh ap in g o f b eh aviou r, o r a s the criterion of the resolu tion o f co n flicts.

i.e. a form providin g a law in agreem ent with the civ iliz e d E u rop ea n tradi­

tions, portioning out and em bodying this law . It w a s a different, h isto rica lly