The discussion on migration, integration and multiculturalism in the Finnish media representations was also very problem-centered. The articles, columns and letters to the editor focused mainly on the failures of Finnish migration policy, lack of language instruction in integration training, labour policy and economic recession as well as problems of multiculturalism. All the articles and columns and most of the letters to the editor were written by Finns for Finnish readers. Only very few letters to the editor were written by migrants themselves or were targeted to a migrant audience. The following newspaper headlines illustrate common topics of discussion about integration:
Migrants first to have it difficult to get a job during recession Migrants ' skills are not made use of
Displacement is the root of all evil
Finns must change and open up for differences Migrants were allowed to speak Finnish for once
Also we have dreams (letter to the editor, written by a migrant activist)
One of the peculiarities of Finnish media discussion is the debate on work-based migrants: Who are they ? Which professions they are needed in ? How is recruitment of work-based migrants reflecting the socio-economic welfare of unemployed Finns ? This type of discussion is quite common both nationally and locally. The following three examples illustrate discussion on the national level, and the stances that various stake-holders have on the issue of integration in general. The quotations are from a panel in which the leaders of the Finnish establishment - the
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prime minister, the president and the former president are discussing the issues of migration and integration:
"Immigrants will be needed in all kinds of professions, from the highest-level researchers and doctors down Asylum applications are processed. If there are good reasons, the people will he accepted into Finland, and if not, they will he turned away." (Prime Minister Matti Vanhanen 18.3.2009, Heisingin Sanomat)
"People must not he treated as mere labour Work is important, but people do not live on work alone We need to take care of immigrants also when they get old. "(President Tarja Halonen 18.3.2009, Heisingin Sanomat)
"We have a foreign culture, a unique language, and a rough climate. Finns should see arrivals as a resource, and not a burden " ('President Martti Ahtisaari 18.3.2009. Heisingin Sanomat)
All in all, media discourses seem to categorize migrants into polarized groups, and migrants are often seen as an object a problem that has to be solved, preferably as quickly as possible. In addition, there is a clear distinction between us (the members) and them (the non-members):
"Although debate about migration is still tame in Finland compared to other European countries, also with us attitudes are becoming more uncompromising. Are even we going to face a time of increasing hostility and distrust ?
Experience has shown that the worst social problems can be avoided when a migrant is integrated into the Finnish society as quickly as possible. (S)he has to learn the language, and if(s)he is of working age and willing to work, <s)he must get a job as quickly as possible. It is also important to listen to the majority population.
When migration is discussed, there is a tendency to overlook the opinions of those who most often have to face different cultures in their everyday life. "
Editorial, Heisingin Sanomat 28.12.2008 6. Discussion
To sum up, both the Finnish experts' views and the opinions expressed in the Finnish newspapers produced polarized images of migrants ranging from unskilled asylum seekers to skilled labour force. The dynamics between different groups and the heterogeneity within a group was acknowledged especially in the experts' views, but still in a manner that emphasizes the polarized image of migrants. Future scenarios are problem-oriented: Finnish policy-makers are expected to solve the problems linked with migration, and language training is offered as one practical tool for this. Rhetorical choices, such as migrants as subjects vs. objects, migrants as a problem vs. a resource, and migrants as human beings vs.
imported labour, illustrate quite powerfully the current public discourse on migration in Finland. The requirements for migrants to adjust quickly into the host society give a possibility to understand that de facto multiculturalism is actually one-way assimilation in which both the migrants and the members of the host society are seen as monolithic groups. Thus, the official multiculturalism and de facto multiculturalism seem to be in contrast with each other. Phillips and Saharso (2008:
291) state that "across Europe, the discourse and practices of multiculturalism are in crisis", because politicians compete to stress the importance of national identity and belonging, and regard diversity as a problem rather than a resource. This kind of crisis can also be found in the Finnish experts' views and in the media representations.
References
Bauböck, R. 2001. Cultural citizenship, minority rights and self-government. In T.
A. Aleinikoff & D. Klusmeyer (Eds.) Citizenship today. Global perspectives und practices. Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 3 1 9
-348.
Hoffman, D. 2007. The Career Potential of Migrant Scholars: A Multiple Case Study of Long-Term Academic Mobility in Finnish Universities. Higher Education in Europe (32) 4, 317-331.
Joppke, C. & E. Morawska 2003. Integrating immigrants in liberal nation-states:
Policies and practices. In C. Joppke & E. Morawska (eds.) Towards Assimilation and Citizenship: Immigrants in Liberal Nation-States, London: Palgrave McMillan,
1-36.
Modood, T. 2007. Multiculturalism. Themes for the 21st Century. London: Polity Press.
Phillips, A. & S. Saharso 2008. The rights of women and the crisis of multiculturalism. Ethnicities 8, Special issue, 291-301.
Rynkänen, T., & Pöyhönen, S. 2010. Russian-speaking young immigrants in Finland: Educational and linguistic challenges to integration. In M. Lähteenmäki &
M. Vanhala-Aniszewski (eds.) Multilingualism in Finland and Russia. Language Ideologies in Transition. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 175-194.
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Tivadar PALÁGYI
Université Eötvös Loránd (ELTE), Budapest
Minorités linguistiques dans le collimateur de plusieurs « mères-patries » : étude comparée du csángó-hongrois de Roumanie et du moldave-roumain de
Transnistrie
I. Introduction
Parmi les rares études non-hongroises consacrées aux catholiques magyarophones de la Moldavie occidentale située en Roumanie, il faut mentionner l'article du linguiste fribourgeois Peter Trudgill qui établit une classification des langues et dialectes minoritaires selon l'attitude adoptée face à elle par le pouvoir politique dominant. La première option est de dégrader au statut de dialecte une langue minoritaire, comme ce fut le cas du catalan sous Franco. La deuxième possibilité consiste à revendiquer des dialectes limitrophes « mal classés» comme faisant partie du continuum linguistique de la majorité politique, ce qui revient à refuser l'appartenance du dialecte minoritaire à l'aire linguistique d'un état voisin : ainsi l'état tchèque a pu tenter d'attribuer la qualité de dialectes tchèques aux dialectes polonais parlés sur le territoire de la République tchèque. La troisième option peut être envisagée par les pouvoirs politiques soucieux de veiller à la cohésion de l'état national, lorsque la différence est considérable entre la langue de la minorité et celle de la majorité : dans ce cas, les gouvernements avancent que, quoique la minorité ne parle clairement pas la langue majoritaire ni une forme proche de celle-ci, elle ne parle pas non plus un dialecte de la langue de l'état voisin, mais bien une langue à part entière. C'est ce que Trudgill appelle I' « Abstand forcé », autrement dit, une distanciation forcée par rapport à la langue de ce qu'on appelle traditionnellement la « mère-patrie » des minorités linguistiques en Europe Centrale. Il s'agit à ce moment-là apparemment d'une mesure libérale de reconnaissance forte du dialecte qui théoriquement est élevé au rang de langue. Mais Trudgill attire l'attention sur les risques d'isolement suivi de dépérissement qui menacent ces dialectes déracinés.
La présente étude cherche à comparer deux tentatives d'Abstand forcé qui ont eu lieu au 20e siècle, sur deux langues voisines qui sont en contact intensif l'une avec l'autre en Transylvanie, le roumain et le hongrois. Ce ne sera pas le cas transylvain qui nous occupera ici. mais des minorités beaucoup plus marginales dont beaucoup refusent de reconnaître l'existence même. Ainsi, le statut de minorité linguistique des Csángós de la région de Bacàu et de Roman en Moldavie roumaine est souvent combattu en Roumanie, tandis que l'existence même d'une minorité moldave semble relever aujourd'hui du « politiquement incorrect » et le simple fait d'évoquer la langue ou le peuple « moldave » a des relents de nostalgie soviétique ou communiste en République de Moldavie dont l'intelligentsia dans sa majorité favorise désormais l'option pan-roumaine. On cherchera à éclairer grâce à quelques
documents d'époque les tentatives de standardisation ou d'effacement dont les dialectes hongrois parlés en Moldavie occidentale et les dialectes roumains parlés en Moldavie orientale à l'est de la rivière Dniestr ont fait l'objet pendant le 20e siècle.