• Nem Talált Eredményt

Visegrad Four Democracy Assistance Programmes

In document DEmocracy's NEw champioNs (Pldal 129-132)

Apart from a small budget set aside by the Czech government, there is no public money allocated by V4 countries to support NGOs active in the field of democracy assistance in Cuba. The Ministries of Foreign Affairs of the V4 countries acknowledge the importance of democracy assistance outside the EU but only the Czech government includes Cuba among its strategic foreign policy objectives.

However, this official position does not exclude a direct involvement in Cuban affairs. The Slovak Embassy, for example, is one of the few foreign institutions on the island that pro-vides internet access to Cuban citizens, and in particular those linked to the opposition.

This is an activity the Cuban authorities clearly dislike. In the past, the stance of the Slovak and the Czech embassies was even more explicit, and they used to invite dissidents to their offices. Now these open initiatives have stopped, but the support to the Cuban opp-osition and to civil society continues.

In the past, the Polish Embassy provided help to the families of Cuban political prisoners (mainly in the form of basic support to the families of dissidents, as well as regular contact and assistance to publicise their situation abroad). However, the change of ambassador in 2007 and a new milder mandate means that there may be a change in Polish policy, but it is too early to make an assessment.

Meanwhile, Hungary has always kept a much more diplomatic stance towards the Cuban regime. Across the EU political spectrum, current-day Spain (run by a centre-left govern-ment) represents one extreme as the advocate of a co-operative line with the Cuban authorities, while the Czech Republic occupies the seat furthest to the other end as the sharpest critic of Cuba. Hungary places itself at the furthest position from Prague in com-parison with the other V4 countries, but at the same time maintains a certain distance from Madrid. The Hungarian Ambassador in Havana in 2007 described the situation as follows: “There is a philosophical approach between direct help to the opposition and co-operation with the authorities. That’s our way.” Conceding the violation of human rights carried out by the Cuban authorities, the diplomat wondered: “Is it better to help the dis-sidents or to convince the others not to beat them?”

The activities of V4 NGOs are much more clear-cut. They can be divided into two main categories: direct support to Cubans, and campaigns to raise awareness in Europe on Cuban issues.

The direct assistance consists of bringing financial, material and moral support to selected Cubans. Recipients on the island and donors generally agree that this represents the clear-est added value brought by foreign NGOs in their support for democracy in Cuba, and it

Part II Visegrad Four Democracy Assistance Policies in Target Countries Cuba: Forging Alliances Across the Transatlantic Divide - Francesco Guarascio Cuban opposition, and actively participated in the conception and launch of the Euro-pean Partnership for Democracy (EPD), of which they are now an associated partner organisation.

The direct support to the Cubans is carried out through a variety of different projects, most importantly support to the families of political prisoners and the training of independent journalists. The help to prisoners’ relatives is delivered with a certain regularity by people that visit the island on behalf of PIN. They bring money and books (in particular banned ones, such as biographies of Mahatma Gandhi, Martin Luther King, Aung San Suu Kyi, Václav Havel, Primo Levi, Alexander Solzhenitsyn, or history books about the transition from communism in Central and Eastern Europe), as well as medicines and electronic goods (cameras, video-cameras, computers, printers, and flash memory cards).

The support to Cuban independent journalists involves training sessions and the delivery of financial and material support to media representatives on the island. Their work is banned by the authorities, and their websites are not accessible from Cuba. PIN helps them to carry on their work. One of the most significant achievements of Cuban independ-ent journalists was the launch of the agency CubaNet, which reports stories completely obscured by the public media.

PIN supports leading dissident personalities “on a strictly non-partisan basis”, as well as assisting the relatives of jailed prisoners. PIN co-operates with almost all the V4 NGOs active on Cuban issues.

Pontes

Active in support of circles linked to the Cuban Churches, which are considered to be a credible, non-political tool to promote potential change into stagnant Cuban political life.

As the most important religious organisation on the island is the Catholic Church, Pontes works mainly with people linked to this congregation. Among Protestant circles, the most significant relations are with the Western Baptist Convention. Support to date has concen-trated mainly on building small libraries, and delivering films and other materials to the respective communities. The added value of this activity lies in the fact that the aid focuses on groups located in towns far from Havana, where the bulk of the foreign help is gener-ally delivered, often neglecting the most remote areas of the island.

Pontes also plans to follow the example of bigger V4 NGOs by bringing to the island scholars to meet theological seminary students. With sufficient funding, Pontes could also provide scholarships to Cuban students, enabling them to study theology at a university in Europe.

on this subject comes from Michael Moore’s 2007 ‘docu-fiction’, Sicko, which presents an idyllic, and completely distorted, image of the current situation in Cuban hospitals.

Clearly, the task of dismissing myths about Cuba is still unfinished business in Europe.

V4 NGOs are effective campaigners in their respective countries, and links established with NGOs in other countries have served to increase awareness about the situation in Cuba elsewhere in the EU as well.

These activities have the undeniably positive effect of dismissing a range of myths that persist on the Old Continent about Castro’s Revolution. Nevertheless, they can have an undesired impact on the work of the NGOs that carry out the campaigns, especially if those same organisations are also active in the field of direct assistance to Cubans.

Indeed, campaigning against Castro in Europe is still akin to walking a tightrope surrounded by critics hurling outdated ideological rhetoric against the “US-backed” cam-paigners, and obstructing the delivery of objective messages. It is thus very important to present an independent image in order to gain the attention and eventually the confidence of potential audiences. But since almost all the funding for the campaigns in Europe comes from the US, it is difficult for any V4 organisation to demonstrate its political independence - let alone financial autonomy.

There are many examples of this public misunderstanding, often fed by European far-left groups or employees of Cuban embassies. For instance, during the screening of a docu-mentary about Cuban dissidents organised by PIN in Brussels in 2007, several fierce critics in the audience accused the Czech organisation of being an extension of the US state department.

In addition, campaigning and lobbying activities in Europe are by definition public, and thus increase the risks for those NGOs that combine advocacy in Europe with direct activi-ties on the island. It is well known that some V4 organisations are not welcome in Cuba (in particular PIN), and that even citizens of their countries are being increasingly targeted by the authorities of the island.

Czech Republic People In Need (PIN)

Widely acknowledged as the most active non-American organisation engaged in Cuba, PIN’s main focus is to bring direct help to the Cubans. At the same time, PIN does not neglect its advocacy task in Europe, and promotes the Cuban dissidents’ cause with con-ferences, documentaries, exhibitions and direct lobbying in Brussels, where the common EU foreign policy is decided. PIN hosts the secretariat of the International Committee for Democracy in Cuba (ICDC), the most authoritative forum in Europe in support of the

Cuban dissidents often mention the work of the Polish NGO. At the moment, the found-ation is not directly involved in activities on the island.

Nevertheless, in November 2007 the President of the Institute, Piotr Gulczyński, visited Cuba for two weeks, and met political dissidents and Damas de Blanco (Ladies in White, a network of relatives of political prisoners - see box on next page). On that occasion, he de-livered a letter in support of the Cuban opposition from the former Solidarity leader, Polish President and Nobel Peace laureate, Lech Wałęsa. Moreover, some Cuban dissidents say they have received help from the Lech Wałęsa Institute. The foundation co-operates with PIN, mainly exchanging information and contacts related to campaigns in Europe.

Representatives of the foundation exclude neither future involvement in activities providing direct assistance to the Cuban people nor lobbying in Brussels, but they underlined the need for sufficient funding to carry out these tasks.

Hungary

Freedom House Europe - Hungary

The Hungarian branch of Freedom House, USA, Freedom House Europe usually runs its projects entirely separately from the activities of the US headquarters. In Hungary, it represents the most important NGO active on Cuban issues. It has so far worked only on projects in Hungary. One included the organisation of educational events for the youth branches of Hungarian political parties in order to exercise a bottom-up influence towards Slovakia

People in Peril Association (PIPA)

PIPA is one of the most dynamic and innovative organisations involved on Cuban issues.

Besides delivering financial, material and moral support to dissidents, PIPA has developed a range of new approaches that have been regarded as very effective. Active co-opera-tion with Cuban experts in the field of economics and educaco-opera-tion has produced two papers providing in-depth analysis of the situation in the country in these sectors, and suggesting potential changes from a transitional point of view. The works include contributions by Cuban experts and comments from their Central European counterparts. This activity also includes training sessions in Cuba by European experts in economics and education. The most marked outcome has been the creation of civil society groups in Cuba, whose mem-bers are able to communicate among themselves, notably without foreign help. This is of particular importance in a country where freedom of assembly is banned.

PIPA also helps selected dissidents and their families directly by arranging their adoption by Slovak politicians, firms, organisations or individuals, therefore assuring a more stable flow of money, and simultaneously raising awareness in Slovakia about the real situation in Cuba. PIPA co-operates mainly with PIN and with the Pontis Foundation.

Pontis Foundation

The activities of the Pontis Foundation in Cuba are aimed at supporting the dissident movement and helping the families of imprisoned dissidents. The foundation co-operates closely with PIPA and PIN. It supplies forbidden literature and material aid to dissidents, and organises collections in Slovakia to support civic activists and political prisoners’

wives, particularly in the poorest regions of Cuba. The foundation has initiated protest let-ters addressed to Cuban officials, co-organised visits of Cuban dissidents to Slovakia, and organised various events and happenings in support of persecuted dissidents. In 2005, it joined an international campaign in Europe and Latin America for democracy in Cuba.

With PIN, Pontis Foundation participated in the conception and launch of EPD.

Poland

Lech Wałęsa Institute Foundation

Since 2006, the Lech Wałęsa Institute Foundation has been implementing the project,

“Polish Solidarity with Cuba”, which mainly aims to raise awareness among Polish peo-ple about the Cuban civil society and peaceful democratic movement. The project is also addressed towards the representatives of Cuban civil society and supports their activities.

This means mainly editing and publishing their articles, essays and appeals on the web portal www.solidarnizkuba.pl available in three languages (Polish, Spanish and English).

RAISING TEACHING STANDARDS:

A CASE OF CENTRAL EUROPEAN CO-ORDINATION

The Cuban educational system is one of the sectors most affected by the new economic reality imposed on the island by the collapse of the Soviet Union. The financial conditions of teachers have since decreased sharply.

The quality of lessons has fallen abruptly, too. To fill this gap, one Cuban teacher par-ticipated in a project run by a Slovak NGO to allow cultural exchanges among Central European and Cuban teachers.

The experience of teachers who had lived through communism, the transition and then

the first stage of capitalism helped him to understand better the current situation of his country and the possibilities for change. The project brings together teachers from all over the island to offer lessons in English, infor-matics, and painting. Both Slovak and Czech NGOs were active in providing them with computers, printers, and other basic tools for teaching.

This is an example of positive co-ordination in the delivery of aid. It also shows that Cuban civil society can network. The initiative has a youth branch, whose members are students and young teachers. It is one of the few cases of Cuban youth groups that are not part of the ubiquitous party-run youth associations.

Part II Visegrad Four Democracy Assistance Policies in Target Countries Cuba: Forging Alliances Across the Transatlantic Divide - Francesco Guarascio

Co-ordination of Policies Between Visegrad

In document DEmocracy's NEw champioNs (Pldal 129-132)