Names in public landscapes

The aim of the first component study is to compare how different types of names interact in a landscape where the youngsters live or move in their everyday life, and where tensions between globalization and local anchorage can give rise to different linguistic repertoires.

The starting point of this component study is from LANDRy and BouRhiS

(1997) who see the linguistic landscape as a given context for sociolinguistic processes. Their way of combining public discourse with sociolinguistic reality clarifies how the landscape promotes both inclusion and exclusion of people due to boundaries underlined by linguistic differences (l^anDRY–B^ouRhiS 1997: 25).

Within the research field, primarily urban centers have been focused upon.

Modern urban centers tend to be a melting pot for cultural impulses and linguistic influences, which means that multilingualism is of major importance within the field (i.e. G^oRTER 2006: 81, j^äRlEhED 2011: 5, l^öFDahl–W^EnnER 2017).

Research on the sense of place shows that this can be a signal of power between different social groups (c^RESSWEll 2015: 190, m^ühlhäuSlER–n^aSh 2016).

This also creates a social feeling for the place. The names that youngsters meet when moving through the geographical landscape are to a high degree commercial names, which appear on public signs and in windows. These names contribute to the sense of place much in the same way as place names.

The study is based on public outdoor environments that were photographed during the first two weeks of October 2016. Four squares in Halmstad were

included: the square of Söndrum (west of the city center), the square of Grönevång (east of the city center) as well as the big square and little square (located in the city center, with a connecting pedestrian area in between).

Figure 1: Grönevång’s square Figure 2: Söndrum’s square

Figure 3: The center of Halmstad

In the central residential areas of Halmstad, 11.5% of the population is foreign-born and 80% have employment. The average income is 244,300 SEK/year (approx. 25,000 euro) and 53% of the residents have a higher education. The two other squares, Söndrum’s square and Grönevång’s square, are located in opposite areas of the town. Söndrum is what you would call a typical middle-class suburb. The average income in the area is rather high (300,000 SEK/year, approx. 30,000 euro). The proportion of inhabitants born abroad is 7% and the proportion of employed persons is 85%. The level of inhabitants with higher education is 56% (www.halmstad.se).² In the area where Grönevång’s square is situated, a majority (56%) of the population is born outside Sweden. The employment rate is 48% and 26% of the residents have a higher education. The

2 The statistics on the municipality’s website refer to the years 2008, 2011 and 2013.

72 Emilia Aldrin–Linnea Gustafsson average income is rather low (134,400 SEK/year, approx. 13,440 euro) (www.

halmstad.se).

These socio-economic differences affect young people indirectly because their circumstances of upbringing are quite different. In the central areas of the town, there is a (natural) contact area between teens from different areas;

however, since the city is segregated, young people nor adults seldom visit other neighborhoods than their own.

In recent decades, Sweden has become increasingly multilingual, and in Halmstad many different languages are spoken, but as in several other Swedish cities the number of languages heard and spoken vary between different areas in the town (P^ARKVALL 2015: 149). In addition to the migration influencing the Swedish language, the influence of English is also increasing. During the past twenty years, the use of English has grown immensely so much that Sweden is now part of the Expanding Circle, which implies the English language is changing from a foreign language to a second language (kachRu 1985: 11, hYlTEnSTam 2004: 52, PaRkVall 2015: 177).

2.1 Results and analysis

In total 49 commercial windows and adjacent areas have been studied. There is no claim that these surveyed places are completely comprehensive, considering that they can change quickly. In the town center, most of the survey areas (28 examples) are found, while 13 are found in Söndrum and 8 are found around Grönevång’s square. The distribution reflects the fact that there are fewer shop windows and signs in the residential areas than in the town center.

One way to show inclusion or exclusion through signs is to use either a personal or place name in the commercial name. By this, the addressee can feel included or excluded in the geographic surroundings. For businesses that have a personal name in the commercial name, there are either first and / or last names. The combination of first and last name appears in two dental clinics, Lena Hansson tandvård and Bo Andersen tandläkare. Commercial names containing only first names occur mainly in the naming of businesses involving food and restaurants.

Around Grönevång’s square there are commercial names containing first names, Alice kiosk, Marias café and Sindibadi Grill. The girl names Alice and Maria exist in many different cultures and languages, and, therefore, are perceived as Swedish in the Swedish context. The commercial name Marias café appeals to an international, Arabic as well as Swedish clientele. The name Sindibad, on the other hand, is not at all regarded as Swedish, but rather emphasizes a foreign descent.³

3 The name has been considered as a form of the name of Sindbad in Thousand and one nights.

In the pedestrian street, which runs between the squares in the town center, there are two coffee shops containing first names in its composition, Liams bar & café and Wayne’s coffee. The former first name, Liam, has become more common in Sweden in the past few decades (www.scb.se) and, therefore, it signals a form of Swedishness especially for younger persons, which is probably not the case regarding Wayne.

In cases where the commercial name contains a place name, this appears to be of two different types. Either it underlines the geographical location of the business, for example Halmstads djurklinik (animal clinic), Söndrums fotvård (pedicure), Söndrums pizzeria and Söndrums-Tvätten (laundry), or the establishment is named after long-distance places, where some connotations follow the original name. This seems to be the case at Tarboosh Damascus Restaurant and Siam royal massage. Damascus is the capital of Syria and the restaurant is located at Grönevång’s square where one of the spoken languages is Arabic. Siam is the older name for Thailand and this name appears on a sign that exudes exoticism via an Asian woman, who is also featured in the picture (see Figure 4).

Figure 4: Siam Royal Massage at Söndrum’s square

Commercial names that include first names, but not last names, seem primarily to be in the food and restaurant industry. First names appear to be used in this way to appeal to the customer’s feelings and to create an air of letting the world come to the customer instead of the opposite, i.e. the name’s connotations seems to be more important than their denotation (EDELMAN 2009: 144). Therefore, the name and choice of name may be part of a process where immigrants try to find a firm anchorage after a radical relocation (cf. l^öFDahl–T^inGSEll–

74 Emilia Aldrin–Linnea Gustafsson W^EnnER 2015: 158). People who voluntarily or involuntarily have lost their geographical belonging feel the need to recreate this and the use of names and linguistic varieties can be a way to do so. An example of relocation of foreign culture may be found in the restaurant name containing the city name Damascus.

The review shows that the teenagers are almost as likely to see English as Swedish in the shop windows and on signs. In total, Swedish occurs in 33 cases and English is included in the text on 27 windows or signs. Arabic also occurs, but only in the area where many Arabic speaking persons live. A comparison of the commercial names around the squares shows that the differentials of the respective areas are visualized by the choice of language (cf. HELLELAND

2017: 111). In middle class Söndrum, the Swedish language is usually used, as well as English. Swedish is also prominent around Grönevång’s square, but there are some elements of Arabic as well. The fact that Arabic occurs – unlike other migrant languages – may be because Arabic is the largest migrant language in the area. The language variables can, thus, represent a relationship of power, but also a size ratio. The area around Grönevång’s square reflects multilingualism in which Swedish and Arabic exist in parallel. As only these two languages appear in the windows and on the signs in the neighborhood, it implies that other languages are excluded. Such a non-participation in the public arena signals a low degree of power and possibly, in the long run, a loss of language (cf. K^ALLEN 2010: 51).

Whoever names a restaurant with a commercial name that contains a commemoration preferably chooses a name that emphasizes the cultural origins. By using a personal name or a place name in this way, authenticity due to known elements can be created, which may affect the clientele via an increased confidence in the product and the brand. The language choice marked by the commercial names or by the texts presented in the windows and on the signs also affects the customers and signals to which clientele an establishment wants to attract (cf. BLETzER 2003: 230 ff.). As a result, shop owners also become producers of linguistic varieties that clearly address the customers: To those who understand Swedish or Arabic around Grönevång’s square, to those who without difficulty understand English in the center and to the clientele who understands and prefers Swedish in Söndrum.

The social space that is manifested in the name and choice of language accentuates welcoming and belonging, two values of great importance to young people. Not only power relations are manifested by language choice but also inclusion and exclusion of different teenage groups in the city’s public environments. The signs that are only understandable to certain must be perceived as exclusive for other teenagers.