Subject and (singular) object anaphoric pronouns can be dropped. Since (nominative) possessor pronouns in possessive constructions can also be omitted, conditions of deletion may depend on case rather than on func-tion. Zero signs stand for deleted pronouns, though the positions they are in do not necessarily correspond to their actual sites, as will be seen below.
(336) a. Annai megvette a könyveij, de Øi nem olvassa Øj
Anna bought.DEF the book.ACC but not reads.DEF 'Anna has bought the book but she isn't reading it.' b. A fiúki megvették a konyveketj, de Øi nem olvassák
the boys bought.DEF the books.ACC but not read.DEF őket/*Øj
them
'The boys have bought the books, but they are not reading them.'
c. Annai olvassa a Øi könyv-é-t.
Anna reads.DEF. the book-POSS-ACC 'Anna is reading her book.'
Since Hungarian has both subject and (definite) object agreement marked on the verb, and agreement with the possessor is marked on the possessed noun, the deleted pronouns are recoverable.
1.5.1.3. Personal pronouns
As was mentioned above, if the object is plural, the personal pronoun has to be used in back-reference. It is also used for both [+human] subject and object if they are placed in any of the preverbal positions, such as topic, focus, or in the is-phrase. (First clauses are not given here.)
(337) a. . . . de ő nem olvas.
but she not reads ' . . . but she's not reading.' b. . . . de nem ő olvas.
but not she reads
' . . . but it isn't her that's reading.'
c. . . . d e ő sem olvas.
but she nor reads
' . . . but she, too, is not reading.'
In the preverbal positions personal pronominal objects can be used in reference to persons only. Thus, posrverbal positions are seen as "weak", allowing appropriate pronouns to be dropped (if in subject or object pos
ition), or assume the form of a personal pronoun (in all other cases), while preverbal positions appear to be "strong", ruling out pronoun deletion or personal pronouns acting as general anaphoric devices.
(338) a. Anna olvasta a könyv-et, de nem beszélt ról-a.
Anna read.DEF the book-ACC but not spoke DEL-3SG 'Anna had read the book, but she didn't speak about it.' b. Anna olvasta a könyv-ek-et, de nem beszélt ról-uk.
Anna read.DEF the book-PL-ACC but not spoke DEL-3PL 'Anna had read the books, but she didn't speak about them.' (339) a. . . . de őket nem látta Anna.
but them not saw.DEF Anna
' . . . but Anna didn't see them [+human].' b. . . . de Anna nem látta őket.
' . . . but Anna didn't see them [±human].'
A similar regularity is discussed in relation to personal and demonstrative pronouns directly.
1.5.1.4. Reflexive pronouns
Coreference between constituents of the same clause is realized by means of reflexive pronouns, which can be case-marked as ordinary NPs. There is a slight uncertainty as to the actual form of the reflexive paradigm since there are at least four competing versions available: mag-a 'self-POSS.3SG', ön-mag-a 'one-self-'self-POSS.3SG', saját-maga 'own-self-POSS.3SG', and ő-mag-a 's/he-self-POSS.3SG' (especially in oblique cases), every one of which can be declined in the possessive paradigm in number and person, and that is how person-marking is made possible in reflexive pronouns. Although the glosses given here are by and large adequate, the stem of the reflexive pronoun is not regarded by speakers of Hungarian as having independent meaning, such as 'self assigned to it below.
(340) a. Anna látja mag-á-t.
Anna sees.DEF self-POSS.3SG-ACC 'Anna sees herself.'
b. A fiúk látják mag-uk-at.
the boys see.DEF self-POSS.3PL-ACC 'The boys see themselves.'
In the possessive construction, the identity of the possessor with one or another constituent of the same clause is usually indicated, not by a reflexive pronoun (although it is not prohibited), but by the attribute saját 'own'.
(341) a. Anna a saját könyv-é-t olvassa Anna the own book-POSS-ACC reads.DEF 'Anna is reading her own book.'
b. Anna ?*önmaga/a maga/sajátmaga könyv-é-t olvassa.
'Anna is reading her own book.'
This may be due to the fact that the reflexive paradigm is also used for emphatic pronouns, even in (pro-dropped) subject positions - with the possible exception of önmaga, etc.
(342) a. (Péter) (saját)maga olvassa a könyvet.
T e t e r / H e is reading the book himself.' b. ?*Péter önmaga olvassa a könyvet.
1.5.1.5. Demonstrative anaphoric pronouns
The nonproximate demonstrative pronoun provides the "missing link" in preverbal position for reference to nonhuman objects in all syntactic functions.
(343) a. *Anna olvasta a könyv-et, de nem ról-a beszélt Anna read.DEF the book.ACC but not DEL-3SG spoke b. Anna olvasta a könyv-et, de nem ar-ról beszélt.
that-DEL
'Anna had read the book, but she didn't speak about it.'
The demonstrative is also used postverbally in reference to [-human]
subjects and singular objects, since their "weak" version is not the corresponding personal pronoun, but the deleted form, as was seen above. Note that since the postverbal site is, as a rule, a "weak" position, overt pronouns are in general seen as awkward.
(344) a. A könyv le-esett, de Anna fel-emelt-e
the book down-fell but Anna up-picked-DEF.3SG Ø/?az-t/*ő-t.
Ø/that/he-ACC
'The book fell down but Anna picked it up.'
b. Anna megvette a könyvet, de nem olvast-a Anna bought the book.ACC but not read-DEF.3SG Ø/?az-t/*ő-t.
that/he-ACC
'Anna bought the book but she didn't read it.'
Another use of the demonstrative az 'that' constitutes a case of "switch reference", in which the subject of the first clause becomes the object of the second one, and vice versa, provided both are [+human]. Here the pre
ferred distribution of pronominals preserves the personal pronoun for the former subject and renders the former object as a demonstrative in the second clause (Pléh and Radics 1978).
(345) a. Richárdi látta Pétertj, de Øi nem köszönt nek-ij
Richard saw.DEF Peter.ACC but not greeted DAT-3SG 'Richardi saw Peterj, but hei didn't greet himj.'
b. Richárdi látta Pétertj, de azj nem köszönt nek-ii
'Richardi saw Peterj, but hej didn't greet himi.'
This alternation may be due to the more "highlighted" position of the subject in the second conjunct; in fact, the "switch" may just as well be executed by means of the overt personal pronoun ő here, which indicates that the default case of pronoun omission is compatible with identical subjects, while overt pronouns, whether personal or demonstrative, sig
nal a change of subjects across clauses.
1.5.1.6. Other means
In place of pronominal cross-reference, various expressions can be used, such as (a) NPs complete with demonstratives and (b) anaphoric epithets.
(346) a. Shaw érdekesebb Wilde-nál, de ezt a szerzőt Shaw more.interesting Wilde-ADE but this the author.ACC a kortársaik jobban szerették mint azt.
the their.contemporaries better liked.DEF than that.ACC 'Shaw is more interesting than Wilde, but their contemporaries preferred this author [Wilde] to that one [Shaw].'
b. Péter olvasta a könyvet, de a hülye nem emlékszik Peter read.DEF the book.ACC but the idiot not remembers rá.
it.SUP
'Peter has read the book but the idiot doesn't remember it.'
1.5.2. Domains of anaphora