1.5.2. Domains of anaphora
functions and positions, and whether the NP has + or - human reference.
Naturally, in coordinate structures it is always the first one of the two coreferential NPs that must be in full form. In short, coreferential NPs in the second conjunct observe the following regularities. (For more on coreference relations between different clauses, see Kenesei 1994.)
(350) a. If the NP coreferential with some NP in the first clause is [+human], then it is a personal pronoun, and if postverbal, it can be dropped in subject, and, if singular, also in object positions; if preverbal, the pronouns remain overt.
b. If the NP coreferential with some NP in the first clause is [-human], it has the form of the demonstrative az 'that', but if it is postverbal and not a subject or singular object, it can be the corresponding personal pronoun.
c. If there are two pairs of coreferential [+human] NPs, there is a marked preference for a (possibly omitted) personal pronoun in the subject of the second clause to refer back to the subject of the first one, and for a demonstrative to refer back to the nonsubject of the first clause.
Other expressions, such as NPs with demonstratives or anaphoric epi-thets, are also applicable.
1.5.2.3. Between superordinate and subordinate clauses
In contrast with coordinate structures, the order of the antecedent and anaphoric NP is not fixed in these structures. However, two subcases have to be distinguished.
The first subclass of clauses, which is called here independent sub-ordination, is not embedded into or lexically governed by any constituent in the main clause. If such a clause precedes the main clause, either the antecedent or the anaphoric NP can occur in it, with the other one in the main clause.
(351) a. Bár Annai nem tanul, Øi olvassa a könyvet.
though Anna not studies reads.DEF the book.ACC 'Although Anna is not studying, she's reading the book.' b. Bár Øi nem tanul, Annai olvassa a könyvet.
'Although she's not studying, Anna is reading the book.' In the reversed order of the clauses the anaphoric NP cannot occur in the main clause.
(352) a. Annai olvassa a könyvet, bár Øi nem tanul.
'Anna is reading the book, though she's not studying.'
b. *Øi olvassa a könyvet, bár Annai nem tanul.
'She is reading the book, though Anna is not studying.'
Note that epithets behave the same way as pronominals - at least for the dialect of Hungarian discussed here. In another dialect anaphoric NPs in a first clause are unacceptable throughout, and epithets are permissible only in a second main clause.
The second subclass, dependent subordination, also allows the sub-ordinate clause to be placed before or after the rest of the main clause. It differs from the previous subclass in two respects: (i) antecedents are forbidden in the subordinate clause since they would be c-commanded by a coreferential pronoun, and (ii) epithets are disallowed even in first sub-ordinate clauses, although, as expected, pronominal coreference goes through. (A constituent A c-commands a constituent B iff every category dominating A also dominates B. For example, a subject c-commands the object or any constituent in a complement clause, but no object or no constituent in a complement clause can c-command the (main clause) subject.)
(353) a. Hogy Ø/*a hüllyei elvesztette a kulcsot, Péteri nem that the idiot lost.DEF.3SG the key.ACC Peter not tudta.
knew.DEF
'That h e / t h e idiot had lost the key, Peter didn't know.' b. *Hogy Péteri elvesztette a kulcsot, Øi nem tudta.
'That Peter had lost the key, he didn't know.' c. Péteri nem tudta, hogy Øi elvesztette a kulcsot.
'Peter didn't know that he'd lost the key.' d. *Øi nem tudta, hogy Péteri elvesztette a kulcsot.
'He didn't know that Peter had lost the key.'
That is, preposed dependent clauses behave as if they were in their
"original" positions, and both pronouns and epithets observe the relevant principle of binding, viz., that referring expressions (antecedents and epithets) cannot be c-commanded by coreferential items.
Nonfinite clauses differ from finite ones only in that their subjects are necessarily suppressed. Any other anaphoric NP is pronominalized along the lines discussed so far.
(354) a. Anna nem szereti [a [ról-a beszélő] lányok-at]
Anna not likes.DEF the DEL-3SG talk-APRT girls-ACC 'Anna doesn't like the girls talking about her.'
b. Az asztal-t [az-on/rajt-a áll-va]
the table-ACC that-SUP/SUP-3SG stand-SCVB festettem.
painted.DEF.lSG
'I painted the table standing on it.' 1.5.2.4. Between different subordinate clauses
What has been said about coreference between main and subordinate clauses obviously carries over to the relationship of two subordinate clauses if one clause is embedded in another, which is in turn embedded in a third one.
If some main clause has more than one subordinate clause embedded in it, all combinations are acceptable as long as the antecedent is not c-commanded by the coreferential pronoun.
(355) a. Bár Øi keveset olvasott, nem tudtam, hogy Annai though little read.3SG not knew.DERlSG that Anna megbukott.
flunked
'Although she had read little, I didn't know that Anna had flunked.'
b. Bár Annai keveset olvasott, nem tudtam, hogy Øi megbukott.
'Although Anna had read little, I didn't know that she'd flunked.'
(356) a. Azt, hogy Øi megbukott, azért nem értem,
it.ACC that flunked for.it not understand.DEF.lSG mert Annai sokat olvasott.
because Anna much read
'I don't understand that she'd flunked because Anna had read a lot.'
b. Azt, hogy Annai megbukott, azért nem értem, mert Øi sokat olvasott.
'I don't understand that Anna had flunked because she'd read a lot.'
Again, epithets can replace the (empty) pronouns in each example above.
1.5.2.5. Between different sentences
Pronouns, demonstratives, and epithets are used in different sentences according to the regularities observed in coordinate structures, as seen in the following discourses.
(357) a. Richárdi látta Péter-tj
Richard saw Peter-ACC 'Richard saw Peter.' b. Øi köszönt nek-ij
greeted DAT-3SG 'Hei greeted himj.' c. AZj köszönt nek-ii
'Hej greeted himi.' 1.6. REFLEXIVES
1.6.1. Means of expressing reflexivity