ifthese verycontradictorychargeswere not giving
me
thesatisfaction to feel that I stand just where it ismy
dutyto stand, on atruly
American
ground."I
must beg leave tosay a fewwords inthat respect; the more, because I could not escapevehementattacksfornot committingmyself evenin that respect, withwhatever interiorpartyquestion. I claim therightfor
my
people to regulateitsown
domesticconcerns. I claim thisas alaw ofnations,common
toall humanity; andbecausecommon
toall, I claim tosee
them
protected by theUnited States, not only because they have the powertodefend what despots dare offend, but alsobecause itisthe necessityoftheir positiontobeapOAveron earth, whichtheywould notbe, ifthe lawofnationscan be changed, and the general conditionof theworldaltered, without theirvote.Now,
that beingmy
position andmy
cause, itwould bethemost absurdincon-sistency, if I would offend that principlewhich I claim and which I advocate.
"And
0,my
God, have I notenough sorrowsand carestobearon these poor shoulders1 Isit notastonishing that the moral powerofduties, and the iron willof
my
heart, sustain yetthis shatteredframe? thatIam
desired yet totakeup
additional cares? If the causeI plead bejust, ifitbeworthyt>f your sympathy, andat thesametime consistent with the impartial considerations of yourown
moral and materialinterests, which apatriotnever should disregard, not even outofphilanthropy, thenwhy
notweighthatcausewith the scaleofits
own
value, and not witha foreign one?9
Have
I not difficultiesenough tocontendwith, that I
am
desired to increase them yet withmy own
hands? FatherMathew
goeson preaching temperance, and hemay
be opposed or supported on hisown
ground; butwho
ever imaginedopposition tohim
because, at thesametime,hetakes notinto hishands topreachfortitude orcharity?And,
indeed,tooppose orto abandonthe cause I plead, only because Imix
not with the agitation ofaninterior question,isa greater injustice yet,becausetodiscussthe questionof foreign policyI have aright.My
nationis an objectof that policy;we
are interested in it; butto mixwith interior party movements I haveno right, not being acitizenofthe United States."
The
thirddifficultywhichI meet,so faras Iam
told, isthe oppo-sition of the commercial interest. I have the agreeabledutytosay that this opposition, orratherindifference,is onlypartial. I have met several testimonialsof the most generous sympathy from gentlemen of commerce.But
if, upon the whole, it should be reallytrue thatthere is more coolness, or even opposition, in that quarter than in others, then I
may
say that there isan entire misapprehension of the truecommercial interests init. Icould saythatitwould be strange to see commerce, andchiefly thecommerceof arepublic, indifferent to the spread of liberal institutions. That would be a sadexperience, teeming withincalculable misfortunes, reserved to the nineteenth cen-tury. Until now. historyhas recordedthat 'commercehasbeenthe most powerful locomotive of principles, and the mostfruitful allyof civilization, intelligence, and of liberty.' It was merchants whose names areshining with immortal lustre from themost glorious pages of the golden books of Venice, Genoa, &c. Commerce, republican commerce, raisedsinglecitiestothepositionofmighty powers onearth, and maintained theminthat proudpositionforcenturies: andsurelyit
was neither indifference nor opposition to republican principles
by
whichtheyhave thusennobled thehistoryofcommerce andofhuman-ity. I
know
full wellthat,sincethetreasuresofcommercetooktheirway
intothe coffersof despotism, in the shape of eternal loans, and capital began to speculate upon the oppression of nations, a great change has occurred inthat respect."But,
thankstoGod, thecommerce of America is notengaged in that direction,hatedby
millions,cursedby
humanity!Her
commerceis still whatitwasin former times, thebeneficent instrumentalityof making mankind partake of all thefruits and comforts of theearth, and of
human
industry.Here
it is no paperspeculation upon the changes of despotism; and, therefore, if the commercial interests of republican America are considered with that foresighted sagacity, without which there is no future and no security in them, I feel entirelysure thatno particular interestcan bemore ambitioustosee absolutism checked andfreedom anddemocraticinstitutions developed inEurope thanthe commerceof republican America. Itisno ques-tionof more or less profit; it is a question of life and deathtoit.
Commerce
is the heel of Achilles, the vulnerable pointof America.Thither will, thither
must
beaimed the first blow of victorious abso-lutism; the instinctofself-preservationwould lead absolutismto strike that blow, if its hatred and indignationwould notlead toit. Airisnotmore indispensabletolife, than freedom andconstitutional
govern-ment
inEuropeto thecommerceof America.''
Though many
things which I have seenhave, upon calmreflec-tion, induced
me
toraisean humble word of warning against materi-alism, still I believe therewas more patriotic solicitudethan realityinKOSSUTH
INNEW ENGLAND. 95
the fact that "Washington andJohn Adams,
attheheadof the war department, complainedofa predominating materialism (theystyledit avarice), which threatened the ruinof America. Ibelieve that com-plaint would, evento-day, not bemore
founded than it was in the infantage ofyourrepublic; still, ifthere beanymotiveforthat com-plaintof yourpurestandbestpatriots, ifthe commerceofAmerica would know, indeed, no better guiding star than only the
momentary
profitofa cargojustfloatingoverthe Atlantic, Iwouldbeeven then ataloss
how
else to accountfor the indifferenceof the commerce of America in the cause of European liberty, thanby
assuming thatitis believed the present degraded conditionof Europe
may
endure, if only the popular agitations aredeprived of material meanstodisturb thatwhichissatiricallycalledtranquillity."
But
sucha suppositionwould, indeed, be the most obnoxious, the mostdangerous fallacy.As
theoldphilosopher, being questionedhow
he could provethe existenceofGod, answered,'
by
opening theeyes;'justso, nothing isnecessary but to openthe eyes, in order that
men
ofthe mostordinary
common
sense become aware of it, that the pres-ent condition of Europe is too unnatural, too contraryto the vital interests ofthecountless millions, to endureevenfor ashort time.A
crisis isinevitable
; no individual influence can checkit
; no indiffer-enceoroppositioncan preventit.
Even men
likemyself,concentrating theexpectationsandconfidenceof oppressedmillions in themselves,have onlyjustenoughpower, ifprovided withtherequisite means, to keep the currentinasounddirection,sothat initsinevitableeruptionitmay
notbecomedangerousto socialorder,whichisindispensabletothe secu-rityof person andproperty,withoutwhichespeciallyno commercehas any futureatall.
And
thatbeing the unsophisticated conditionofthe world, andacrisisbeing inevitable,I indeedcannot imaginehow
thosewho
desire nothing but peaceandtranquillitycan withholdtheir help-ing hands, that the inevitablecrisisshould not only be keptinasounddirection, but also carried
down
toa happyissue, capabletoprevent the worldfromboilingcontinually, likea volcano, andinsuringa last-ingpeaceand alastingtranquillity,neverpossiblesolongas the great majorityof nations are oppressed, but suresosoonas the nationsare content, and content they can only bewhen
theyarefree."
Indeed, ifreasonablelogichas not yet forsaken the world, itisthe
men
of peace, it is themen
of commerce, to the supportofwhom
I have aright to look. Othersmay
supportmy
cause outof generosity, thesemustsupportme
outof considerateinterest: othersmay
opposeme
out of egotism, American commerce, in opposing me, would commit suicide."Gentlemen, of such narrow nature are the considerations which oppose
my
cause.Of
equally narrow, inconsistent scope are all the rest, withtheenumerationof which Iwillnot abuse yourkind indul-gence.Compare
with themthe broad basisof loftyprinciples upon which the commonwealthof Massachusetts took its standinbestowin^O the importantbenefitof its supporttomy
cause; and you cannot for-bearto feel proudlythatthe spirit of old Massachusetts is stillalive, entitled to claim that right in the councils of the united republic which it had in the glorious days when, amidst dangers, wavering resolutions and partial despondency, Massachusetts tookboldly the leadtofreedom andindependence.
"Those men
of immortal memory,who
within these very walls lighted withthe heavenly spark oftheir inspiration the torch offree-dom
in America, avowedfortheir objectthe welfareofmankind; and,
when you
raisedthemonument
ofBunker
Hill, itwasthe genius of freedomthrilling through theheartof Massachusetts whichmade
one of yourdistinguished orators saythat the days ofyourancient glory willcontinueto rain influenceon the destinies of mankind totheend of time. Itisuponthisinspiration Irely, in thename
ofmy
down-troddencountry, to-daythemartyrofmankind,to-morrowthe
battle-field ofits destiny.
"
Time
drawsnighwhen
eitherthe influenceof Americans mustbefeltthroughout the world, orthe positionabandoned towhich you rose withgiganticvitalityout of the blood ofyour martyrs.
"I
haveseen the genius of those glorious days spreadingits fiery wings ofinspiration overthepeople ofMassachusetts. Ifeel thespirit of olden times moving throughFaneuil Hall. Letme
cutshortmy
stammering words; let
me
leave yourhearts alonewiththeinspiration of history; letme
bear withme
the heart-strengthening conviction that I have seen Boston still a radiating sun, as itwas of yore, but risen so highon mankind's skyas tospread its warming rays of ele-vated patriotismfarover the waves. Americanpatriotism ofto-dayis philanthropy forthe world."
Gentlemen, Itrust inGod, Itrust in thedestinies of humanity, and intrustthehopesof oppressed Europetotheconsistentenergyof Massachusetts."
Kossuth took his seat amidst repeated rounds of applause, andhis
KOSSUTH
INNEW ENGLAND.
97 Excellency, the chairman, announcedthatthemeetingwas adjourned.After giving afew hearty cheers for Hungary, the audience quietly dispersed.