• Nem Talált Eredményt

KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. 93

In document NEW ENGLAND: (Pldal 109-113)

ifthese verycontradictorychargeswere not giving

me

thesatisfaction to feel that I stand just where it is

my

dutyto stand, on a

truly

American

ground.

"I

must beg leave tosay a fewwords inthat respect; the more, because I could not escapevehementattacksfornot committingmyself evenin that respect, withwhatever interior

partyquestion. I claim therightfor

my

people to regulateits

own

domesticconcerns. I claim thisas alaw ofnations,

common

toall humanity; andbecause

common

toall, I claim tosee

them

protected by theUnited States, not only because they have the powertodefend what despots dare offend, but alsobecause itisthe necessityoftheir positiontobeapOAveron earth, whichtheywould notbe, ifthe lawofnationscan be changed, and the general conditionof theworldaltered, without theirvote.

Now,

that being

my

position and

my

cause, itwould bethemost absurd

incon-sistency, if I would offend that principlewhich I claim and which I advocate.

"And

0,

my

God, have I notenough sorrowsand carestobearon these poor shoulders1 Isit notastonishing that the moral powerof

duties, and the iron willof

my

heart, sustain yetthis shatteredframe? thatI

am

desired yet totake

up

additional cares? If the causeI plead bejust, ifitbeworthyt>f your sympathy, andat thesametime consistent with the impartial considerations of your

own

moral and materialinterests, which apatriotnever should disregard, not even outofphilanthropy, then

why

notweighthatcausewith the scaleof

its

own

value, and not witha foreign one?

9

Have

I not difficulties

enough tocontendwith, that I

am

desired to increase them yet with

my own

hands? Father

Mathew

goeson preaching temperance, and he

may

be opposed or supported on his

own

ground; but

who

ever imaginedopposition to

him

because, at thesametime,hetakes notinto hishands topreachfortitude orcharity?

And,

indeed,tooppose orto abandonthe cause I plead, only because I

mix

not with the agitation ofaninterior question,isa greater injustice yet,becausetodiscussthe questionof foreign policyI have aright.

My

nationis an objectof that policy;

we

are interested in it; butto mixwith interior party movements I haveno right, not being acitizenofthe United States.

"

The

thirddifficultywhichI meet,so faras I

am

told, isthe oppo-sition of the commercial interest. I have the agreeabledutytosay that this opposition, orratherindifference,is onlypartial. I have met several testimonialsof the most generous sympathy from gentlemen of commerce.

But

if, upon the whole, it should be reallytrue that

there is more coolness, or even opposition, in that quarter than in others, then I

may

say that there isan entire misapprehension of the truecommercial interests init. Icould saythatitwould be strange to see commerce, andchiefly thecommerceof arepublic, indifferent to the spread of liberal institutions. That would be a sad

experience, teeming withincalculable misfortunes, reserved to the nineteenth cen-tury. Until now. historyhas recordedthat 'commercehasbeenthe most powerful locomotive of principles, and the mostfruitful allyof civilization, intelligence, and of liberty.' It was merchants whose names areshining with immortal lustre from themost glorious pages of the golden books of Venice, Genoa, &c. Commerce, republican commerce, raisedsinglecitiestothepositionofmighty powers onearth, and maintained theminthat proudpositionforcenturies: andsurelyit

was neither indifference nor opposition to republican principles

by

whichtheyhave thusennobled thehistoryofcommerce andof

human-ity. I

know

full wellthat,sincethetreasuresofcommercetooktheir

way

intothe coffersof despotism, in the shape of eternal loans, and capital began to speculate upon the oppression of nations, a great change has occurred inthat respect.

"But,

thankstoGod, thecommerce of America is notengaged in that direction,hated

by

millions,cursed

by

humanity!

Her

commerce

is still whatitwasin former times, thebeneficent instrumentalityof making mankind partake of all thefruits and comforts of theearth, and of

human

industry.

Here

it is no paper

speculation upon the changes of despotism; and, therefore, if the commercial interests of republican America are considered with that foresighted sagacity, without which there is no future and no security in them, I feel entirelysure thatno particular interestcan bemore ambitioustosee absolutism checked andfreedom anddemocraticinstitutions developed inEurope thanthe commerceof republican America. Itisno ques-tionof more or less profit; it is a question of life and deathtoit.

Commerce

is the heel of Achilles, the vulnerable pointof America.

Thither will, thither

must

beaimed the first blow of victorious abso-lutism; the instinctofself-preservationwould lead absolutismto strike that blow, if its hatred and indignationwould notlead toit. Airis

notmore indispensabletolife, than freedom andconstitutional

govern-ment

inEuropeto thecommerceof America.

''

Though many

things which I have seenhave, upon calm

reflec-tion, induced

me

toraisean humble word of warning against materi-alism, still I believe therewas more patriotic solicitudethan realityin

KOSSUTH

IN

NEW ENGLAND. 95

the fact that "Washington and

John Adams,

attheheadof the war department, complainedofa predominating materialism (theystyledit avarice), which threatened the ruinof America. Ibelieve that com-plaint would, evento-day, not be

more

founded than it was in the infantage ofyourrepublic; still, ifthere beanymotiveforthat com-plaintof yourpurestandbest

patriots, ifthe commerceofAmerica would know, indeed, no better guiding star than only the

momentary

profitofa cargojustfloatingoverthe Atlantic, Iwouldbeeven then ataloss

how

else to accountfor the indifferenceof the commerce of America in the cause of European liberty, than

by

assuming thatit

is believed the present degraded conditionof Europe

may

endure, if only the popular agitations aredeprived of material meanstodisturb thatwhichissatiricallycalledtranquillity.

"

But

sucha suppositionwould, indeed, be the most obnoxious, the mostdangerous fallacy.

As

theoldphilosopher, being questioned

how

he could provethe existenceofGod, answered,

'

by

opening theeyes;'

justso, nothing isnecessary but to openthe eyes, in order that

men

ofthe mostordinary

common

sense become aware of it, that the pres-ent condition of Europe is too unnatural, too contraryto the vital interests ofthecountless millions, to endureevenfor ashort time.

A

crisis isinevitable

; no individual influence can checkit

; no indiffer-enceoroppositioncan preventit.

Even men

likemyself,concentrating theexpectationsandconfidenceof oppressedmillions in themselves,have onlyjustenoughpower, ifprovided withtherequisite means, to keep the currentinasounddirection,sothat initsinevitableeruptionit

may

notbecomedangerousto socialorder,whichisindispensabletothe secu-rityof person andproperty,withoutwhichespeciallyno commercehas any futureatall.

And

thatbeing the unsophisticated conditionofthe world, andacrisisbeing inevitable,I indeedcannot imagine

how

those

who

desire nothing but peaceandtranquillitycan withholdtheir help-ing hands, that the inevitablecrisisshould not only be keptinasound

direction, but also carried

down

toa happyissue, capabletoprevent the worldfromboilingcontinually, likea volcano, andinsuringa last-ingpeaceand alastingtranquillity,neverpossiblesolongas the great majorityof nations are oppressed, but suresosoonas the nationsare content, and content they can only be

when

theyarefree.

"

Indeed, ifreasonablelogichas not yet forsaken the world, itisthe

men

of peace, it is the

men

of commerce, to the supportof

whom

I have aright to look. Others

may

support

my

cause outof generosity, thesemustsupport

me

outof considerateinterest: others

may

oppose

me

out of egotism, American commerce, in opposing me, would commit suicide.

"Gentlemen, of such narrow nature are the considerations which oppose

my

cause.

Of

equally narrow, inconsistent scope are all the rest, withtheenumerationof which Iwillnot abuse yourkind indul-gence.

Compare

with themthe broad basisof loftyprinciples upon which the commonwealthof Massachusetts took its standinbestowin^O the importantbenefitof its supportto

my

cause; and you cannot for-bearto feel proudlythatthe spirit of old Massachusetts is stillalive, entitled to claim that right in the councils of the united republic which it had in the glorious days when, amidst dangers, wavering resolutions and partial despondency, Massachusetts took

boldly the leadtofreedom andindependence.

"Those men

of immortal memory,

who

within these very walls lighted withthe heavenly spark oftheir inspiration the torch of

free-dom

in America, avowedfortheir objectthe welfareofmankind

; and,

when you

raisedthe

monument

of

Bunker

Hill, itwasthe genius of freedomthrilling through theheartof Massachusetts which

made

one of yourdistinguished orators saythat the days ofyourancient glory willcontinueto rain influenceon the destinies of mankind totheend of time. Itisuponthisinspiration Irely, in the

name

of

my

down-troddencountry, to-daythemartyrofmankind,to-morrowthe

battle-field ofits destiny.

"

Time

drawsnigh

when

eitherthe influenceof Americans mustbe

feltthroughout the world, orthe positionabandoned towhich you rose withgiganticvitalityout of the blood ofyour martyrs.

"I

haveseen the genius of those glorious days spreadingits fiery wings ofinspiration overthepeople ofMassachusetts. Ifeel thespirit of olden times moving throughFaneuil Hall. Let

me

cutshort

my

stammering words; let

me

leave yourhearts alonewiththeinspiration of history; let

me

bear with

me

the heart-strengthening conviction that I have seen Boston still a radiating sun, as itwas of yore, but risen so highon mankind's skyas tospread its warming rays of ele-vated patriotismfarover the waves. Americanpatriotism ofto-dayis philanthropy forthe world.

"

Gentlemen, Itrust inGod, Itrust in thedestinies of humanity, and intrustthehopesof oppressed Europetotheconsistentenergyof Massachusetts."

Kossuth took his seat amidst repeated rounds of applause, andhis

KOSSUTH

IN

NEW ENGLAND.

97 Excellency, the chairman, announcedthatthemeetingwas adjourned.

After giving afew hearty cheers for Hungary, the audience quietly dispersed.

In document NEW ENGLAND: (Pldal 109-113)