Róbert Kerepeszki
I. Development and ideology of the Turul
the old, traditional societies (the Egyetemi Körök – University Circles2) being not suitable to embody the spirit of the emerging new era, as well as the interests and views of right extremist students.
The first one was the Turul Szövetség3 (Turul Association) established in August 1919, only a few days after the fall of the communist dictatorship. In the same year, the second fraternal student association, the Hungária Egyesület (Hungária Society) was founded by Hungarian technicians at the Technological University (Műegyetem) in Budapest, after that the short-lived Christian-socialist Centrum Szövetség (Centrum Association) was called into existence in 1920. The next in line was the catholic and often legitimist (supporter of the Habsburg Dynasty) Foederatio Emericana in the next year, and the last one was the expressly legitimist Szent István Bajtársi Szövetség (Szent István Fraternal Association) formed in 1927. These formations had become the top student organizations at Hungarian universities, and though their organizational structure was based on the German model (Burschenschaften) and their ideological basis was very similar (the “Christian-national” idea, militarism, anti-Semitism and irredentism), their main features were different, so they were often hostile to each other.4
These officially politically neutral associations had an important place between the age-class societies (the Scouts or the specifically Hungarian Levente movement) and they were very close to the famous nationalist organizations of this period like the Magyar Országos Véderő Egyesület (MOVE, Hungarian National Defence Force Association), the Ébredő Magyarok Egyesülete (ÉME, Association of Awakening Hungarians)5, the Magyar Asszonyok Nemzeti
2 Related to the traditional Hungarian student associations see Viczián, János, Diákélet és diákegyesületek a budapesti egyetemeken 1914–1919 (Student Life and Student Associations at the Universities of Budapest 1914–1919), Budapest 2002.
3 The turul was a mythological bird (falcon or vulture) in the Hungarian legends which led the people in the Carpathian basin. According to another myth, the turul-bird played a role in the origin of the Árpád Dynasty, as well. Papp, Julien, “L’oiseau turul. Du totem des anciens Magyars aux héritages controversés de la Seconde Guerre mondiale”, inÖt Kontinens, 2009. 385–406.
4 Related to these fraternal associations in the recent Hungarian historiography see Ujváry, Gábor,
“Egyetemi ifjúság és katolicizmus a neobarokk társadalomban. A Foederation Emericanáról”
(“University Youth and Catholicism in the Neo-baroque Society. About the Foederatio Emericana”), in Id., A harmincharmadik nemzedék. Politika, kultúra és történettudomány a neobarokk társadalomban(The thirty-third generation. Politics, Culture and Historical Science in the Neo-baroque Society), Budapest 2010, pp. 413–493.; Szécsényi, András, “A Turul Szövetség felépítése és szerepe a két világháború közötti ifjúsági mozgalomban” (“The organization and role of Turul Association in the Interwar Youth Movement”), in Fejezetek a tegnap világából (Chapters from the Yesterday’s World), ed. Gergely, Jenő, Budapest 2009, pp. 214–232.;
Kerepeszki, Róbert, “A Turul Szövetség” (“The Turul Association”), in A magyar jobboldali hagyomány, 1900–1948 (The Hungarian Rightist Legacy, 1900–1948), ed. Romsics, Ignác, Budapest 2009, pp. 341–376.
5 The Association of Awakening Hungarians was the most notorious rightist radical organization in the first decade of the Horthy era. According to some sources, the university students played an important role in the formation of this association, as well. See Kozma, Miklós, Az összeomlás 1918–1919 (The Collapse 1918–1919), Budapest 1933, p. 69.
Szövetsége (MANSZ, National Association of the Hungarian Women), as well as the Társadalmi Egyesületek Szövetsége (TESZ, Federation of Social Associations).6
Among these fraternal associations of the rightist radical Hungarian university students, the Turul achieved the greatest impact and played the most significant role. Its dominance was due to many reasons. First of all, the Turul was not restricted by only one institution of higher education, like the Hungária whose members were just the students of the Technological University in Budapest. Besides, because of its undenominationalism, the Turul stood opposite the Emericana where only Catholics might join. In contrast to legitimism, the members of Turul were “free electors”, a point of view arising from the significant and well established contemporary opinion, that the “liberalism of the Habsburg-policy” had great responsibility for the territorial losses of Hungary after the World War. This current was more popular among university students than the Habsburg friendship within the Szent István Association. In addition, the importance of Turul was increased by its great influence in the other university associations (the religious and relief organizations), because their leadership was in the hands of Turul-members. It follows from this that the Turul determined basically the public feeling at the universities and the life of youth.
However, initially only a relatively small proportion of the university students joined its sub-societies, organized separately at each faculty (for example, in the mid-1920s, app. 15% of the student body or some 1,400 undergraduates).7 The growth and expansion of Turul picked up after 1928, when the government of Count István Bethlen modified the anti-Semitic numerus clausus law. Already in the next year, the association had nearly 9,000 members among the university students, and its 48 sub-societies operated throughout the country.8 The number of members and sub-societies rose continuously in the 1930s (see the table), and according to some sources the Turul had more than 40,000 members. This apparently improbably high number was due to the membership of the graduates, who remained in the association (they were called
“dominus”), the supporters and many university professors (named “patronus”
6 Related to the Interwar Hungarian social associations see Kerepeszki, Róbert, “A politikai és társadalmi élet határán. A Társadalmi Egyesületek Szövetsége a Horthy-korszakban” (“On the Verge of the Political and Social Life. The Federation of Social Associations in the Horthy Era), in
“…nem leleplezni, hanem megismerni és megérteni.” Tanulmányok a 60 éves Romsics Ignác tiszteletére (“…not to reveal, but to recognize and to understand.”Studies in Honour of 60-year-old Ignác Romsics), eds. Gebei, Sándor, Bertényi, Iván Jr., Rainer M., János, Eger 2011, pp. 373–
388.7 Molnár, Olga,A főiskolai hallgatók szociális és gazdasági viszonyai Budapesten (The Social and Economic Conditions of the University Students in Budapest), Budapest [1925].
8 Magyary, Zoltán, Emlékirat az egyetemi ifjúság szociális gondozásának megszervezése tárgyában(Memorandum to the Organization of Social Care of the University Students), Budapest 1929, p. 133.
and “magister” by the Turul), besides the regular students (named “daru” or
“levente”).9
The number of Turul’s sub-societies, 1929–1943.10
Year The number of
sub-societies
1929 48
1930 54
1931 56
1932 68
1933 74
1934 78
1935 95
1936 104
1938 112
1943 165
It is necessary to mention that in the Turul’s 25-year history, there were some differences in time and space because of the conflict between its regional chapters11 and its national centre in Budapest, as well as the generational gap between the Turul’s members of 1920s and the university students of 1930s.
Besides, it is important to note that by joining a social association or a political party the new member usually identifies himself with the ideology, the social and political views of the organization. However, it was more complex set of motivations that guided membership in the Turul Association. It was recommended for the first-year students to join the Turul,, especially for those of poor social background, because - following the Turul’s fundamental rules -, the association often provided its members in need with financial aid or loan, and its management helped them to obtain scholarships and accommodations in students’
hostels.
The ideology of Turul was called “fraternal idea”, which consisted of many components among which antisemitism was only one element.12 The
9 Erdélyi, Ernő, A mi utunk. A Turul Szövetség története, útja, célkitűzései (Our Way. History, Way, Aims of the Turul Association), Pécs 1940. p. 16.
10 Magyar Országos Levéltár (MOL, National Archives of Hungary), Documents of Turul Association, P 1364, Box 1. The Lists of the Officials and the Member Societies of the Turul Association (1936–1943)
11A Turul Szövetség (…) Alapszabályzata (Statutes of the Turul Association) Budapest 1927, pp.
5–20. The Turul’s sub-societies constituted regional chapters. At the end of 1930s, there were 10 chapters with the following centres: Budapest, Debrecen, Pécs, Szeged, Kecskemét, Szolnok, Miskolc, Gyula, Győr, Kaposvár.
12 In the 1930s, the leadership of Turul published many ideological “guidelines” explaining the
“fraternal idea” for the younger members. For example:Bevezetés a bajtársi életbe(Introduction to the Fraternal Life), Debrecen 1934;A Turul világnézeti irányelvei és bajtársi útmutató
(Guide-problem of land reform in the country, territorial revisionism (irredentism), the
“Hungarian Imperial Idea”13, anti-communism – all this had important roles in this worldview besides hostility to legitimism. In the Turul’s view, the Habsburg era bore great “responsibility” in particular for the assimilation and the
“expansion” of Jewry14 due to the facility with which these “newcomers” could occupy important positions in Hungarian public life and the middle class. So, the most significant part of the “fraternal idea” was the “protection” of the Hungarian
“race” from the foreigners, especially the Jews, the Slavs and the Germans. The latter aspect of this ideological construction is most remarkable, because although many Turul members would later become admirer of Nazi Germany and join the Hungarian National Socialist parties, but the official leadership of the organization often issued pronouncements against Germans in Hungary. One of the Turul journals wrote in all sincerity: “our race (is) menaced by two dangers:
the Jews and the Germans”, so in their view, both represented the same threat.
Therefore, it is understandable that the Turul members happened to riot against German ethnic organizations (Volksbildungverein, Volksbund) and their politicians (Jakab Bleyer, the former minister) or their university professors (Richard Huss), just like they did against Jewry.15
In spite of this, the most important element of the Turul ideology in terms of “racial defense” was anti-Semitism. The anti-Jewish feelings of the Hungarian university students can be dated back to the age of dualism. From this point of view, the most significant event of this period was the so-called “Cross-movement”. This happened in May 1900, when unknown perpetrators broke down the crosses from the coat of arms in the building of University of Budapest, which therefore had become the symbol of the movement. Jews were accused of the aggression and its damages, and an openly antisemitic atmosphere developed in the university, with a strong impact on many “Christian” students’ thinking and worldview. This event led to an ideological polarization, which was previously unknown to Hungarian university students, and the so-called “Jewish question”
was constantly on the agenda in contemporary youth organizations. Although the
lines of the Turul Worldview and Fraternal Instructions), Budapest 1937. See also Kerepeszki, “A Turul Szövetség”, cit. pp. 354–369.
13 The “Hungarian Imperial Idea” evolved in the dualist era, when its first representatives desired the age of Árpád Dynasty or king Mátyás Hunyadi, and they wanted a great power role for Hungary. See in detail Bertényi, Iván Jr., “A magyar birodalmi gondolatról – Az I. világháború előtt” (“About the Hungarian Imperial Idea – Before the World War I.”), in Kommentár, No. 4 (2007), pp. 40–56.; Romsics, Ignác, “A magyar birodalmi gondolat” (“The Hungarian Imperial Idea”), inNem élhetek birodalom nélkül (I may not live without an Empire), eds. Gombár, Csaba, Volosin, Hédi, Budapest 2002, pp. 41–81.
14Related to the Hungarian and European Jewry see Karády, Viktor,The Jews of Europe in the Modern Era. A Sociohistorical outline, New York-Budapest 2004.
15 MOL, Ministry for Home Affairs, Reserved Documents (K 149), no. 1942–7–6006. Report of the Police Office of Pécs about the regional German ethnic movements and the extreme-right parties. Pécs, September 5, 1942.; About the German ethnic organizations see Spannenberger, Norbert, A magyarországi Volksbund. Berlin és Budapest között (The Volksbund of Hungary.
Between Berlin and Budapest), Budapest 2005.
“Cross-movement” was short-lived, its aftermath is undeniable for long. Many of the leading politicians of the Horthy era began their public activity in this anti-Jewish action (for example, László Magasházy, Regent Horthy’s aide-de-camp and Nándor Bernolák, the Minister of Labour and Welfare of Bethlen-government, who proposed the racist paragraph of the numerus clausus law in 1920).16
The most dangerous enemies for Turul were the Jews and this evolved also from the widespread antisemitic conception that the Jews were responsible for the Hungarian Soviet Republic in 1919 – as well as, by the way, the loss of the war (Dolchschuss legend).17 Besides, in the 1920s, the policy of “racial defense” (due among others to Gyula Gömbös) and studies produced in the same vein by the founder of Hungarian eugenics, Lajos Méhely, made a powerful impression on the formation of the “fraternal idea”.18 So it is not surprising that thenumerus clausus was one of the most important questions raised by the Turul, because this law affected the very area in which the association was operating, the Hungarian universities.