We estimate short-run and medium-run effects of ozone exposure on subjective health satisfaction and subjective well-being through a set of fixed-effects regressions, controlling for both time and individual fixed effects, individual-level covariates, county-level macro variables and weather-related data. We find statistically and economically significant negative effects of ozone on subjective well-being both in the short and medium term, with stronger effects in the medium term, after longer exposure to higher ozone levels. The negative impact of ozone on people’s well-being is concentrated among individuals living in households with children under 16 years of age. We do not find that the well- being of individuals living in children-less households is affected. This suggests that ozonepollution has a significant indirect effect on the welfare of adults, through its effect on their children. In contrast, we do not find that ozone exposure affects individuals’ subjective health satisfaction, neither in the full sample nor for individuals sharing households with children. Our results are robust to controlling for other pollutants. Our findings suggest that ozone concentrations in Germany are not high enough to significantly affect the subjective health of the general population. However, they do negatively affect the life satisfaction of adults sharing a household with children. This result is in line with the literature demonstrating stronger health effects of ground-level ozonepollution on children. Our findings suggest that in Germany ozone primarily affects parents’ welfare through the diminished health of children sharing the same household. This result suggests that in addition to direct health effects ozone also has important indirect effects. In advanced economies such as Germany such indirect effects may be relatively more important than direct health effects, at least for the population of generally healthy adults.
This paper estimates the impact of six air pollutants on long-term life satisfaction, short-term hedonic happiness, and depressive symptoms by matching various self- reported SWB measures in CFPS, a nationally representative survey, with daily air quality data according to the exact date and county of each interview. PM2.5 and PM10 are found to be negatively associated with hedonic happiness. For depressive symptoms, only PM2.5 matters. Other pollutants are not correlated with any of the three SWB measures. We also find some heterogenous effects. People who receive more education, reside in more polluted areas, or have young children are more sensitive to air pollution in terms of hedonic happiness.
Bailey et al. (2018) examine the effects of coal-fired industrialisation and the associated pol- lution in nineteenth-century Britain, and find that the difference in final height (for males) be- tween those from the least and the most coal-intensive districts amounts to about 2.2 cm. Shary- gin (2011) uses detailed mortality series for three years before, during, and after a major famine in Russia in the 1930s, and finds that famine cohorts were on average 1 to 3 cm shorter, de- pending on the level that the mortality rate over the period spent in utero exceeded the average pre-famine mortality rate. Van den Berg et al. (2015) examine European famines in the twenti- eth century, and find that, for males, exposure to famine in the age interval from in utero until age 4 results in a reduction of around 3 centimetres in adult height. Batinti et al. (2019) show that suffrage extension in Europe since the middle of the 19th century increased average male heights by 0.7 to 1 cm, and including the extension of the rights to women increased average stature to 1.7 cm. This effect is driven by the fact that political contestation and participation reduced inequality and expanded health insurance coverage.
In general SWB is positively and strongly influenced by socio-economic status and perceived health status, though the positive link between economic and subjective wellbeing is stronger in countries with low average incomes. In the case of China, a number of studies have used SWB to explore its measurement and determinants ( Chen and Davey, 2008), or the relationship between life satisfaction and outcomes as different as health (Knight and Song, 2006; Appleton and Song, 2008; Liang and Wang, 2013), occupational mobility (Liang and Zhu, 2014; Liang and Lu, 2014), and housing (Hu, 2013; Cheng, Smyth and Wang, 2013) amongst others. Some authors have related SWB to the hukou system, and the inequality associated with it. For example, Demurger, Li and Xu (2014) build on the fact that the hukou status separates families between those migrating for work and those left behind, and find that constrained family living arrangements lower migrants’ happiness, especially in the case of parents separated from their child. Jiang, Lu and Sato (2012) find that the hukou identity of an individual negatively affects happiness, regardless of whether people are urban residents or rural-urban migrants. Chen (2013) finds that rural-to-urban migrants’ education and occupation are significantly related to the level of perceived institutional discrimination. These studies however identify the effect of the hukou system either through some kind of instrument (Demurger, Li and Xu) or using subjective responses to questionnaires (Jiang, Lu and Sato; Chen).
Taking advantage of comprehensive household panel datasets, several studies examine SWB of directly interviewed children in the household and that for both while their one of their parents is unemployed and later when grown-up (cf. É “Socioeconomic Conditions in Childhood andWell-Being Later in Life” ). Using the BHPS youth sample Powdthavee and Vernoit ( 2013 ) apply linear and conditional fixed effects methods to examine self- reported happiness with life of 11–15 year-old. Their results suggest children to suffer strongly from parental unemployment, in particular older ones. Younger children (11- year-old) are actually found to benefit from parental unemployment in some cases. For Australia, Bubonya et al. ( 2017 ) analyze mental health (anxiety and mood disruption) of co-resident adolescents (i.e. individuals aged 15–20 years) using the HILDA. This study finds no evidence for an effect of fathers’ job loss, but some evidence supporting an effect of mothers’ job loss (however only if followed by a sustained non-employment and in particular for girls). The authors invoke a reduced bargaining power of mothers on how resources of the household are spent and refer to other research observing that adolescent relationship with their mothers is more intense, including more frequent conflict.
higher education (while slightly fewer have an upper secondary degree) and more Muslims relative other denominations.
The cumulative first to fourth round ESS file is amended with the fifth round. The first round was collected in 2002; second round in 2004; the third round in 2006; the fourth round in 2008; and the fifth round in 2010. The residence countries included are Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Croatia, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Russian Federation, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Turkey, Ukraine, and United Kingdom. Extensive documentation of the data is available at http://ess.nsd.uib.no/ . A summary variable names, descriptions, and sources for all the variables are found in Appendix Table A2.
There are a number of studies that characterize the relationship between well-beingand retirement, but none of them has investigated the effects on domain satisfaction at the same time. In those studies, it is typically emphasized that the retirement decision might be related to unobserved individual characteristics that by themselves are related to the level of subjective well-being. Usually, this is addressed by performing FE or FD estimation (for linear models), the inclusion of Mundlak (1978) regressors (for nonlinear models), or IV estimation that exploits exogenous variation in retirement incentives. 6 Lindeboom et al. (2002) perform FD estimation to investigate the effect of major events in life on mental health for a representative sample of individuals from the Netherlands and find insignificant effects of retiring. Clark and Fawaz (2009) use the Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe (SHARE) and the British Household Panel Survey (BHPS) and show that on average psychological well-being barely changes when individuals retire. Charles (2004) uses HRS data with outcomes ―being depressed‖ and ―feeling lonely‖ as well as NLSMature Men
This paper investigates the perceived life andhealth satisfaction costs of exiting self- employment. 1 A large body of literature has documented a wide range of non-monetary
rewards of being self-employed, such as job and life satisfaction (Benz & Frey, 2008a, 2008b; Hessels, Arampatzi, van der Zwan, & Burger, 2018), lower stress (Hessels, Rietveld, & van der Zwan, 2017), health (Nikolova, 2019), and eudaimonic well-being (Nikolaev, Boudreaux, & Wood, 2020; Shir et al., 2019). These non-monetary benefits of self-employment are often attributed to having higher levels of job control, autonomy, and utility from purposeful and self-directed work (Hundley, 2001; Nikolaev et al., 2019; Shir et al., 2019). Consequently, the public policy recommendations of scientific papers often tout entrepreneurship as a means of enhancing both personal and social welfare. However, this paints a somewhat idealistic picture of the realities that many people who start new ventures go through.
Since entrepreneurs often face high uncertainty, long working hours, time pressure, role conflicts, and ambiguity, starting and running a business can be a major source of stress (Patzelt & Shepherd, 2011; Wincent & Örtqvist, 2011). In fact, the idea that entrepreneurship is one of the most stressful occupational choices is “ubiquitous” (Uy, Foo, & Song, 2013). While other occupations can certainly be stressful as well, entrepreneurs “lack resources, often work alone, lack support from colleagues, and must bear the cost of their mistakes while fulfilling lots of diverse roles such as recruiter, spokesperson, salesman, and boss” (Cardon & Patel, 2015). Thus, voluntary transitions from self-employment to salaried employment can, in some cases, lead to improved psychological well-beingandhealth outcomes, especially for those who may find it difficult to cope with the increased demands and stress of being your own boss.
To suggest that musicians struggle financially is of course not new or novel. However, what the research findings of ‘Can Music Make You Sick’ point towards, is a greater acknowledgement of the relationship between financial precarity and emotional instability. Indeed, the author whose work inspires a great deal of contemporary thinking surrounding the impact of precarity – Guy Standing – spoke in his work of ‘the precariatised mind’ 25 . It is important to consider how a loss of financial certainty has wide- reaching psychological ramifications for workers. What might be thought of as liberation is experienced as detachment; flexibility as fragility; geographical mobility as placelessness or rootlessness; and the freedom of freelancing as anxiety.
Aside from a lack of focus on heterogeneity, endogeneity is an issue for large parts of the literature. Many studies draw on small specialized samples of self-employed or entrepreneurs and even where large nationally representative samples are used, cross-sectional analyses are predominant. This means that simultaneity is an issue in many studies despite explicit and implicit causal models that assume job characteristics shape well-being. But happier people have been shown to also be more successful in many different areas of life ( Lyubomirsky et al. , 2005 ) and this extends also to the self-employed, where for instance trait positive affect positively moderates the effects of stress on the health of the self-employed ( Cardon and Patel , 2015 ). Similarly, reverse causality might be relevant in explaining why happier people in service industries do financially better (compare on this Graham et al. , 2004 ). Indeed, it has been shown that those self-employed that are happier perceive their business to be more successful, even though this did not translate into objective business success in a study of entrepreneurs in the Netherlands ( Dijkhuizen et al. , 2018 ). A similar case pertains to job satisfaction, where Kawaguchi ( 2008 ) observes that job quitting tends to follow low job satisfaction, but it seems to be specifically dissatisfaction with one’s income, not with the job overall that prompts transition into self-employment ( Guerra and Patuelli , 2016 ).
Relative deprivation may also have intergenerational health impacts. For example, the children of mothers in relatively deprived households in impoverished rural China (measured by the mother’s long-term economic status relative to that of her richer peers), who are frequently exposed to the costly ceremonies held by fellow villagers, often suffer from malnutrition. People who skip these events or who spend less than their richer counterparts lose face and risk becoming socially excluded. For that reason, many people at the bottom of the status and wealth distribution tend to attend no fewer ceremonies than their better-off peers and to give even more lavish gifts to signal a higher status. Thus, it is more burdensome for the poor to take part in these social occasions than for the rich. Because the poor often lack the necessary resources to finance these activities, they are forced to skimp on food consumption to compensate. Because the children of most poor people were exposed to the repercussions of their family’s having spent more than it could afford on such ceremonies while the children were young (and even before they were born), the potential negative consequences can be large . More empirical evidence could emerge after better data on ceremonies become available and once the issue of identifying appropriate reference groups can be resolved .
An emerging body of work is exploring the relationship between well-beingand productivity. Some work finds that higher levels of life satisfaction are associated with higher earnings and better health, while other research finds that having meaningful work is more important to productivity than is simple job satisfaction. Greater autonomy (including in relation to one’s working hours) also seems to play a role . In contrast, the negative effects of work-related stress on healthand longevity are well-documented . Late-life work may provide social contacts and interactions, personal growth, autonomy, and a sense of purpose, which may be particularly important for older cohorts as opportunities for active social engagement dwindle. One possible solution is that older workers could gradually reduce their working hours while remaining in the labor force (and continuing to pay taxes) well past official retirement age, with associated fiscal benefits from postponed public pension payments . Late-life workers can be valuable to enterprises due to their experience and competence. In the US older workers receive a pay premium relative to their younger counterparts, suggesting that they are more productive . Older workers may also play a role in training younger workers and apprentices, and some of the fiscal contributions from postponed retirement could be used to finance apprenticeships and training programs . And as there is a shortage of skilled labor in some occupations, well-trained part-time older workers could fill multiple roles.
from the factory suffering from unrest, as discussed above, the coefficients become larger, and their statistical significance increases to the five and ten percent level, respectively, as shown in column 4 of the table. Given an average absenteeism level of 0.64 days per month in the control group, we estimate that either access to free pads or attending the information session reduces absenteeism by around 15 percent and 25 percent, respectively, given the coefficient sizes. Surprisingly, though, no such effect is visible among the group that both has access to free pads and attend the information session. Our trial does not provide us with an answer for the lack of effect among this group. In the pre-treatment period, absenteeism rates in this group seem to fluctuate more widely compared to the other groups, as can be seen in Figure 3. The planned repetition of the trial with additional 1,000 workers from further factories provides a useful opportunity to see if this pattern replicates, which would indicate a non-zero interaction effect of the two main treatments on worker behaviour.
garding the quality of life in Germany after the reunification is described. The study is based on relative deprivation theory and its supplement, the theory of existential guilt. Based on these theories as well as on social comparison theory and social identity theory, it is expected that citizens who perceive a lower quality of life in their part of Germany compared to the other part of Germany will develop a sense of fraternal deprivation. It is predicted that sense of deprivation will instigate negative emotions. Negative emotions are assumed to have nega- tive effects on well-beingand mental health. Citizens who perceive their part of Germany as being relatively privileged compared to the other part of Germany are expected to report feel- ings of existential guilt. Guilt is assumed to have negative effects on mental health. Positive emotions such as gratefulness and pride are predicted to have positive effects on mental health. The paper describes in detail the design of the study, the sample, the variables that were measured, and first results. Data analyses are based on a sample of more than 3,000 citi- zens from East and West Germany. In line with theoretical expectations, mental health can be predicted from negative emotions (anxiety, envy, guilt) and positive emotion (pride). Also in line with predictions, the judgment of East-West differences in quality of life as unjust has the strongest indirect effect on mental health. This effect is mediated by the two emotions anxiety and envy.
The Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) provides a foundation that protects the rights of persons with disabilities (PwD), including persons with mental disorders. According to the Convention, PwD include “those who have long-term physical, mental, intellectual or sensory impairments which in interaction with various barriers may hinder their full and effective participation in society on an equal basis with others” [ 15 ]. Barriers PwD encounter refer not only to the physical but also attitudinal or social environment that can act in a hindering or facilitating way. Article 27 of the CRPD provides a legal framework for the right of PwD to work on an equal basis with others. Among other things, it considers prohibition of discrimination with regard to access to the labor market and open, inclusive and accessible work environments [ 15 ]. To meet the CRPD mandate, ratified countries must ensure that effective strategies targeting barriers hindering optimal WP are in place. There is a substantial body of evidence that an individual’s work environment, specifically psychosocial risk factors such as high job demands, low control or social support, are risk factors associated with depression and anxiety [ 16 ]. However, existing strategies mainly focus on the individual level, i.e., symptom reduction [ 16 – 19 ]. Evidence on the effectiveness of organizational strategies addressing work environment, adaptations and accommodations is scarce.
tion by Blanchflower and Oswald (1998) appeals to satisfaction data to provide some evidence in favour of this capital constraints story. The authors use the National Child Development Study (NCDS) data to show that those who receive an inheritance are more likely to become self-employed (and control for en- dogeneity by instrumenting inheritances with the death of a parent). They also show that the self-em- ployed in their sample report higher job satisfaction on average than do the employed. However, they then separate the sample to show that this gap is only found for the self-employed who did not re- ceive an inheritance. The self-employed who have received inheritances actually report the same level of job satisfaction as do employees. This finding is consistent with capital constraints, in the sense that self-employment is a choice for those who have enough resources, but is simply not available for some others. Without the analysis of subjective data, not only would the “problem” of the satisfied self-employed not have been apparent, but the interpretation via capital con- straints would likely have been more difficult to show. The same comparison of labour-force statuses can also be carried out with respect to retirement. One crucial piece of information in terms of the debate over different retirement ages is the effect of retire- ment on both healthand overall well-being. While there is an enormous literature on well-beingand age – and on older individuals and retirees specifi- cally – that on changes in well-being attendant on retirement is not particularly large. The analysis here is complicated by serious problems of endogeneity (those in worse healthand with lower levels of well- being tend to choose to retire earlier). These are dealt with by looking for exogenous movements in retirement age or benefits. Some contributions along these lines are Charles (2004) who finds that, when retirement is instrumented, it reduces both depres- sion and loneliness, Coe and Lindeboom (2008) who find no overall effect of retirement on health, and Dave et al. (2008), who suggest that retirement is associated with worse mental health. In general, the results in this small literature are ambiguous, and more work on this particular aspect of well-beingand labour supply, especially in the context of the greying population, would seem of great use.
With regard to measurement issues, the objective approach tries to set up a list of goods that are necessary for a good life. Such lists might contain goods like health, working con- ditions, income, housing, safety, integration etc. A survey then finds out whether and how much of these goods each respondent has been able to achieve. The objective approach measures well-being by observing whether individuals have control over certain resources or not. This raises the obvious question of what the most important goods that should be observed are. In an overview of conceptualisations of well-being, Fahey et al. (2003: 53– 60) conclude that it is commonly agreed to refer to the domains health, integration in the labour market, education, income and security. There is also a clear majority for includ- ing the domains housing, family, social relationships and the environment. However there is much disagreement about the inclusion of some other living conditions. The Swedish tradition, for example, includes political resources, German social reports refer to leisure and media consumption, and the New Zealand social report uses domains covering human rights, culture and identity.
The first contribution in the volume, by Johannes Stauder, Ingmar Rapp, and Thomas Klein looks closely at health shifts among cohabiting couples in Germany, and investi- gates the role played by individual’s and partner’s education for physical and mental health. The health advantage of partnered individuals is well documented in the litera- ture, but the heterogeneity of this effect has less often been studied. Stauder and col- leagues carefully consider the types of health-relevant resources which people of various educational levels bring into a partnership and discuss the complex interplay between ed- ucational levels of both partners, and these resources’ effects on health. Their fixed- effects regression analysis of data from the German Socio-Economic Panel (2002 to 2016) focuses on intra-individual change, aiming to estimate causal effects. Their results show that, not surprisingly, a highly educated partner is more beneficial for mental and physical health than a partner with low education, suggesting that health-relevant knowl- edge, economic resources or social status brought by a highly educated partner have a di- rect protective effect on physical and mental health. However, the weak protective effect of partner’s higher education for men’s mental health suggests that roles in a partnership remain strongly gendered. In contrast, the protective effect of a partnership on health does not invariably depend on educational homogamy, although in principle homogamy might reduce conflict and increase satisfaction with the partnership. However, health benefits of educational homogamy seem to be limited to higher educated respondents, suggesting that the ability to find a highly educated partner is of greater importance for them. The intri- guing and complex gender differences found, such as stronger effects for mental health among women and stronger effect for physical health among men, are a potential avenue for future research.
As the main measure of physical and psychological well-being we use the Short Form- 36 (SF-36) questionnaire (Ware, Kosinski, et al. 2000). SF-36 has repeatedly demon- strated high reliability and validity (Ware and Sherbourne 1992; McHorney, Ware Jr., and Raczek 1993). We construct the two standard summary measures, Physical healthand Mental health, and eight suboutcome indexes, as explained in the SF-36 manual. 7 In all cases, a higher value represents a better health. See Table 2 for the ten outcomes. To assess health related quality of life, we use EQ-5D-3L (The EuroQol Group 1990). EQ-5D consists of two parts: A self-reported classification on five dimensions of health, and a self-rated global valuation of perceived health using a Visual Analogue Scale (VAS). There is evidence supporting the reliability and validity of the EQ-5D (Brooks and The EuroQol Group 1996). EQ-5D has two outcomes, a summary score measure and the VAS. The score measure is calculated according to the EQ-5D manual. 8 In both outcomes a higher value represents a better health. See Table 3 for a description.