Leadership can be operational, in the sense of assuming responsibility for crisis management and coordination activities. Problem Perception and Framing: This topic focuses on the subjective and socially constructed aspects of crisis management.
1991) “The Role of Crisis Management in the Outbreak of the First World War.” In Avoiding War: Problems of Crisis Management, edited by AL 1994) Learning and Foreign Policy: Sweeping a Conceptual Minefield. 1990) The World in Their Heads: Information Processing, Cognition, and Perception in Foreign Policy Decision Making.
Rising high unrealistic expectations and cutting the bridges back
Iulian Chifu
Early warning signs
On the 19th of December 2007, President Vladimir Voronin stated that "the Transnistrian issue is being solved economically and practically, in the minds of the main participants in the process, and that the problem will be officially closed in the next short period". This statement created a great sense of uncertainty and insecurity in Romania, in Ukraine and in the society of the Republic of Moldova, since Chiºinãu never presented the form of the "package agreement" and was far from a sum of understanding has in the 5+2 format.
The “breakthrough crisis”
The crisis was to be managed in Romania by the President and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs – as executive departments responsible for foreign affairs and security issues – as well as by the country's Supreme Defense Council, the institution responsible for decision-making during crisis, in security and strategic matters. The institutions asked to solve the problem were in an acute situation of uncertainty due to the absence of transparent discussions on the future solution, the negotiations outside the 5+2 format, the absence of instruments for the official authorities of the Republic of Moldova on the path of a reintegration as well as a dead end position for the authorities from Chiºinãu at the dawn of the parliamentary elections.
The context of the crisis
They included: more international attention to the conflict; EU involvement (related perhaps to the emergence of its security strategy and the first three EU civil-military missions deployed in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia and Congo). The OSCE Ministerial Meeting in Porto (2002) extended the deadline for the withdrawal of remaining troops and remaining equipment to the end of 2003.
The ups and downs of the bilateral Chiºinãu-Bucharest relations
Ukrainian, Bulgarian, Israeli, German, American and other citizenships held by citizens of the Republic of Moldova. The same trend and process enabled him to get a second mandate as President of the Republic of Moldova.
Romanian decision making system in Foreign Relations and Security matters
The moments of the crisis
The ambassador of the Republic of Moldova in Romania, Lidia Gutu, was retired to Chiºinãu for consultations. Smirnov presented to Vladimir Voronin the project of the friendship and cooperation treaty between the Transnistrian Moldavian Republic and the Republic of Moldova.
Decision making occasions
Any efforts for the reintegration of the region in the Republic of Moldova were "sensible", according to Smirnov. The year 2007 began with an important change, the visa regime for citizens of the Republic of Moldova. This raised a big question about the possibility of further negotiations on the reintegration of the Republic of Moldova.
Thematic analysis
- Prepardness, prevention and diminishing the effects of the crisis The existance of the previous crisis in 2001-2002 in the bilateral relations
- The leadership and the decision units: MFA and the President Responsible for the reactions on the acusations of the Republic of Moldova,
- Framework of the crisis: perception and problem framing
- The conflict of values
- Lessons learnt
It was the same institution responsible for the declaration of Persona non grata in the Romanian Embassy and for the creation of the Romanian Consul. In the security field, Romania considered that the security of the Republic of Moldova was directly related to its own security. At the same time, there is real concern about maintaining the idea of neutrality and avoiding security sector reform in the Republic of Moldova, along with the process of handing over the country's security to someone else.
Conclusions
The presence of the EU and dealings with a country that does not have a solution for its own security could lead to a false message of support and this could mislead investors. All this could play the role of soft power, the natural attractiveness of the Republic of Moldova, as well as the example of a better life for the citizens of the Republic of Moldova. A step-by-step approach, reinforced and supported by a clear reform of the security sector and a cohesive and consensual solution within the political forces of the Republic of Moldova, is the way to achieve the reintegration of the country through democratization and institution building. , as well as from the EU's point of view, rather than bilateral miracle negotiation processes or the goal of reintegration at any cost.
The breakthrough crisis”- as a limited crisis for Ukraine’s unstable political
Oleksandr Sushko
The legacy of the Orange Revolution determined Ukraine's ambition to provide a qualitative alternative (based on European values) to Russian influence in the post-Soviet area;. Significant connection between Ukraine-RM and Ukraine-EU relations, reflected in the EU-Ukraine Action Plan;. Looking for effective methods to ensure the interests of ethnic Ukrainians living in the RM (including Transnistria).
Was the “Breakthrough crisis” a crisis for Ukraine?
However, new elements became apparent a few months later, when details of the "package approach" were revealed. It was a reversal of the existing situation, as Ukraine withdrew from the real negotiation process. Therefore, for Ukraine the breakthrough crisis was a crisis, but in a limited sense, as it was considered as an element of a wider crisis related to the impasse of the 5+2 format and the devaluation of Ukraine's stake in the process of resolving Transnistria. after 2005.
Specific concern of Ukraine: GUAM membership of the Republic of Moldova challenged
On the other hand, in Ukraine, decision-makers did not feel a sense of emergency. On the other hand, the revival of RM activity in GUAM was usually a reflection of the growing crisis in relations with Moscow. There was a period of 2001-2003 when the newly elected President Vladimir Voronin showed obvious skepticism and even ignorance towards GUAM. Therefore, the crisis of Moldova's participation in GUAM was clearly an integral part of the "breakthrough crisis".
Ukraine’s initiatives and commitments
EUBAM
This is a major focus area in the Assessment Report and one of the objectives set out in the Memorandum of Understanding. Although there are some exceptions, the checks carried out for most of the parts do not meet the EU standards. The Mission welcomed the measures taken by Ukraine's authorities to increase control of the green border by deploying more personnel and overcoming physical obstacles.
The New Customs Regime
Illegal activities at the border: The issue of illegal border crossings needs to be addressed urgently and surveillance needs to be increased. The Transnistrian authorities organized a real border blockade, preventing all cargo and even local trains from crossing the border. According to an EUBAM official, “the new customs regime in place since March has created a step change in the effectiveness of the border control system.
Ukrainian decision making system in Foreign Relations and Security matters
The president implements his power in various cases, either directly or through decisions of the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine (he is chairman of the NSDC and has the authority to appoint and dismiss most NSDC members). In the field of foreign policy, presidential powers are determined by Articles 102 and 106 (points 3, 4 and 5) of the Constitution of Ukraine. The President of Ukraine appoints the remaining members of the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine.
Political developments in Ukraine affecting its foreign policy 4
On August 4, the parliament appointed Viktor Yanukovych, leader of the Party of Regions, as Prime Minister of Ukraine. The president responded by issuing a decree on 2 April 2007 announcing the dissolution of the parliament (Verkhovna Rada) and scheduling early elections for 27 May 2007. The pace of governance remained largely stagnant even after the formation of the coalition of Democratic Forces.
Personal dimension of decision making changes
During the critical crisis, Ambassador Pirožkov proved to be one of the most reliable sources of insider information from Chiºinãu. Pirozhkov and his staff personally did a lot to strengthen the consolidation of the Ukrainian minority in Transnistria and took the initiative from Russia. A sign of success was, in particular, the decision (October 2008) of the local authorities to erect a monument to Ivan Mazepa, the Ukrainian hetman from the end of the 17th and the beginning of the 18th century, in the city of Bender - the figure of this hetman is still extremely important. irritating to Russia when in 1709 he formed an alliance with the Swedish king Charles XII to fight against the Russian Tsar Peter I.
Ukraine’s steps during the crisis period
The mediators and observers expressed their availability to find a feasible solution to the Transnistrian problem. Serghei Pirojkov, the new Ukrainian Ambassador to the Republic of Moldova, visited Tiraspol State University named after T.G. According to the diplomat, the settlement for Trasnistria will be based on “the integrity of the Republic of Moldova, taking into account the interests of people living on both banks of the Nister.”
Yanukovych’s return to power in 2006: how it affected the decisions of Ukraine
Although Chiºinãu officials did not express their position on the political crisis in Ukraine, the Moldovan leadership hoped that the new government would continue the policy of the previous one regarding the trade ban on Transnistria. At the same time, there was no evidence for the RM that Ukraine had enough power in Transnistria (comparable to Russia's power) to rely on. Due to the uncertainty in 2007 and 2008 (new pre-term parliamentary elections will be held in December 2008) we can provide for further balancing of RM leadership between Russia, Ukraine and the EU (with specific emphasis on Russia) in order to ensure not "breakthrough" - at least positive neutrality of Moscow on reintegration of the RM.
Conclusions
Ukraine has not enough positive incentives and levers to be a unilateral “agenda-setting” actor for the parties of Transnistrian conflict
Playing with the statehood and the future of the Republic of Moldova
Oazu NANTOI 1. Introduction
Context
In addition, the CPRM established strict control over the mass media of the Republic of Moldova, especially public TV channels. This results primarily from the geographical location of the area under the control of the Tiraspol regime. It can be concluded that the EU is increasingly becoming an efficient and important player in the resolution of the Transnistria issue.
Chronology of the Conflict
The leaders of the election commission will be representatives from the Russian Embassy in the Republic of Moldova. The Russian Embassy in the Republic of Moldova has issued a press release on the elections to the State Duma of the Russian Federation. The Parliament of the Republic of Moldova voted in the first lecture, the Concept of National Security.
Decision Occasions
The lack of response from Moscow meant that Russia wants to at least destroy the European and Euro-Atlantic vector of the Republic of Moldova. This warning sign (the lack of response) was ignored by the leaders of the Republic of Moldova, a fact that contributed to the worsening of the crisis. During the crisis, the Russian Federation organized a series of actions that clearly questioned the sovereignty of the Republic of Moldova.
Analytical Themes
Or in the case of the Republic of Moldova, none of these conditions are met. In the process of launching his initiatives, including the "package deal", President Voronin violated the provisions of the Constitution of the Republic of Moldova. In the case of the Transnistria issue, there are three aspects to the conflict of values.
Conclusions
Since the Republic of Moldova cannot rely on the NATO protection, the multi-dimensional consolidation of the relations with the EU represents an acute need for the Republic of Moldova to reduce the risks related to the Transnistrian issue and the avoid crisis situations. Therefore, the Europeanization of the Republic of Moldova / in terms of reforms, institution building and the adoption of EU legislation - should be the first priority of any government, before the hypothetical quick solution overnight in Transnistrian issue.
