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A typological study of vowel interactions in Basque

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A typological study of vowel interactions in Basque

Varun. deCastro-Arrazola1,2, Edoardo Cavirani1, Kathrin Linke1,2 and Francesc Torres-Tamarit3

1Meertens Institute (Amsterdam), 2Leiden University, 3UMR 7023 (CNRS/Paris 8) varun.decastro-arrazola@meertens.knaw.nl

1. Summary

▶ The phonological micro-variation found in vowel interactions in Basque is studied.

▶ We combine formal phonological theories (Element Theory, Turbidity Theory [1]), corpora and computational tools.

▶ The account can generate grammars for all the robustly

attested patterns but fails to generate the unattested ones.

2. Background: nominal inflection in Basque

▶ If stem ends in consonant:

uninflected NP: [gis«on] ‘man’

singular absolutive DP: [gis«ona] ‘the man’ (no variation)

singular definite absolutive suffix = /-a/

▶ If stem ends in vowel, dialectal variation:

/alaba-a/ ‘the daughter’: alabaa, alabea, alabia, alabie

/seme-a/ ‘the son’: semea, semia, semie

/idi-a/ ‘the ox’: idia, idie

▶ Disclaimers:

back vowels /o, u/ behave roughly as their front counterparts;

our typology only considers stems ending in /a, e, i/.

consonant epenthesis has been ignored: e.g. we have coded [idiSa] and [idia] as ia.

forms with second vowel deletion (/seme-a/ [seme]) are excluded from the typology.

the processes are productive, but can get blocked under some morpho-syntactic conditions.

3. Data

▶ We combine data from two partially-overlapping sources [2, 3].

▶ Each of ca. 170 Basque-speaking locations is characterised as a set of 3 codes, which describe the behaviour of the vowels

/a,e,i/ when followed by the suffix /-a/.

▶ From a logical point of view, the attested codes can be combined in 24 unique ways (i.e. 24 potential dialects).

▶ 9 are robustly attested; 4 are marginal; 11 are unattested.

PatternID /a-a/ /e-a/ /i-a/ Frequency

3 aa ia ia 70

24 ie ie ie 23

1 aa ea ia 18

2 aa ea ie 18

15 ia ia ia 15

8 ea ea ie 12

16 ia ia ie 5

4 aa ia ie 4

6 aa ie ie 4

7 ea ea ia 1

14 ia ea ie 1

18 ia ie ie 1

20 ie ea ie 1

PatternID /a-a/ /e-a/ /i-a/ Frequency

5 aa ie ia 0

9 ea ia ia 0

10 ea ia ie 0

11 ea ie ia 0

12 ea ie ie 0

13 ia ea ia 0

17 ia ie ia 0

19 ie ea ia 0

21 ie ia ia 0

22 ie ia ie 0

23 ie ie ia 0

4. Constraints

(1) Proj(E): Assign a violation mark for every pronounced E that does not correspond to a projection of E.

(2) Pron(E): Assign a violation mark for every projected E that does not correspond to a pronunciation of E.

(3) OCP(E): Assign a violation mark for every pair of adjacent root nodes that pronounce E.

(4) OCP(root): Assign a violation mark for every pair of adja- cent root nodes that pronounce the same set of E’s.

(5) Spread(E): Assign a violation mark for every pronounced E that does not spread (i.e. that is not pronounced by a neighboring root node).

(6) Spread(E)’: Let the set S of projected E’s by a root node be identical to the set {E}, i.e. {E} S S {E}. Assign a violation mark for every pronounced E S that does not spread.

5. Rankings

|A| |A|

-

|I|

/e - a/

|A| |A|

• •

|I|

[i a]

Mid vowel raising:

▶ underpronunciation of an underlying |A|.

▶ OCP(|A|) Pron(|A|)

|A| |A|

-

/a - a/

|A| |A|

• •

|I|

[e a]

Low vowel raising:

▶ pronounciation of a non-projected |I| together with the projected |A|.

▶ OCP(root) Proj(|I|)

|A|

-

|I|

/i - a/

|A|

• •

|I|

[i e]

Low vowel assimilation:

▶ pronunciation of |I| by both its own root node and the suffixal root node.

▶ Spread(|I|) OCP(|I|)

▶ The opaque dialects are formalized as the outranking of Spread(|I|) by the less stringent Spread(|I|)’:

PatternID /a-a/ /e-a/ /i-a/ Constraint ranking

16 ia ia ie OCP(root) Proj(|I|) OCP(|A|) Pron(|A|)

Spread(|I|)’ OCP(|I|) Spread(|I|) 4 aa ia ie Proj(|I|) OCP(root)

OCP(|A|) Pron(|A|)

Spread(|I|)’ OCP(|I|) Spread(|I|)

6. References

[1] M Goldrick. Turbid output representations and the unity of opacity. In M. Hirotani, A. Coet- zee, N. Hall, and J.-Y. Kim, editors, Proc. of the North East Linguistic Society, volume 30, pages 231–245. GLSA, Amherst, MA, 2001.

[2] J-I Hualde and I Gaminde. Vowel interaction in basque: A nearly exhaustive catalogue. Studies in the Linguistic Sciences, 28(1):41–77, 1998.

[3] G Aurrekoetxea and X Videgain, editors. Euskararen herri hizkeren atlasa, 5. Izen morfologia.

Euskaltzaindia, Bilbo (EH, Spain), 2013.

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