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AGYNicholas Love’s Mirrour of the Blessed Lyf of Jesus Christ was a text which enjoyed unusual popularity in late-medieval England in a culturally and spiritually complex and turbulent period.1 It was the translation of Meditationes Vitae Christi,2 a highly influential work of devotion. It contained the official approbation of Archbishop Arundel,3 given in 1410, granting its appropriateness for the instruction of the faith and the refutation of Lollardy. The very rapid dissemination of the text was partly due to the popularity of its source text but also, in the same measure, to this approbation.
The Mirrour was one main device of the official Church in the fight against the Lollard heresy.
Among the more than fifty extant manuscripts some are produced with a set of magnificent illuminations,4 where the images conscientiously carry the same manifold message as the text itself, one of which being the propaganda against Lollard tenets.
In my paper I attempt to investigate how the same strategy of combating Lollardy appeared in the homiletic material of its day, where, by the performance of the preachers, it could reach another and maybe a larger audience. By setting Love’s text into this context with a similar agenda against Wycliffite doctrine, I hope to clarify how these texts written for different audiences created different strategies and how this influenced their popularity.
The choice of homiletic material to present a background for the Mirrour may be justified on several grounds. Firstly, Love’s work was designed very conscientiously to meet the needs of its readers and these form roughly the same kind
1 Little is known about the life and other works of Nicholas Love. He was prior of the Carthusian monastery of Mount Grace around 1415. For more details, see The Mirrour (1995). The most recent edition of the text is that of Sargent. The text, following the original, retells the narrative of the Gospels in a more detailed way. It emphasises the importance of imagining the scenes described; thus, with the help of the practice of imagination, the reader was invited to an inner participation in the events of the life of Christ. The sequence of the narrative is structured according to the days of the week, and the days are segmented according to the order followed by the Breviary.
2 The Meditationes Vitae Christi was attributed to Bonaventura, but in fact was written by Johannes Caulibus, a Franciscan friar from Tuscany, for his sister, a Clarisse, around 1250. It became one of the most influential works in the Middle Ages, one which served as an aid for meditation on the narrative of the Gospels. See Meditationes Vitae Christi (1975). The English translation of the work is provided by Isa Ragusa and Rosalie B. Green (1961).
3 Thomas Arundel (1353–1414), Archbishop of York from 1388, then Archbishop of Canterbury from 1399.
4 The two manuscripts, which contain a surprisingly large cycle of illuminations, are those of the National Library of Scotland MS Advocates 18.1.7, kept in Edinburgh, and the New York Pierpont Morgan Library, MS M 648.
of audience as that of the sermons, namely predominantly the late-medieval laity, as attested to also by the ownership of the extant Mirrour manuscripts. Secondly, Love wrote a treatise on the Eucharistic doctrine, as a second closing of his translation, entitled The Treatise of the Sacrament, which was appended to almost all the extant manuscripts of the Mirrour. Although the Treatise was meant for devotional reading, it is written in the form of a sermon, of a typical modern university type. It was composed specially to accompany the text of the Mirrour, forming an organic part of it. Moreover, being entirely the original composition of Love it contains in a condensed and emphatic form the main message its author destined to his audience.
From the available material I tried to choose examples of sermons, which are characteristic of their types, encompassing a large scale of possibilities. The chosen homiletic texts form a chain of successive steps from the written treatise in the form of a sermon (Love’s Treatise), through the written sermon meant to be read (the Macaronic sermons) (Wenzel), followed by sermons written to be delivered to a mixed audience (The Ross sermons) (Ross) and finally closing with sermons written definitely and emphatically to be delivered mainly to the most common, massively illiterate laity (John Mirk’s Festial) (Festial). One sermon-type is catalogued by Spencer (1993) as written exclusively to refute Wycliffism. I consider it however, as a different type, where the text written had no other scope than exerting this criticism.
In the chosen texts, however, the anti-Lollard message had to reach the public incorporated into the body of the texts relating to other issues as well.
Medieval sermons
The 10th canon of the Fourth Lateran Council, which stated that among all other things, which aim at the salvation of the Christians, “the food of the Word of God”
(De predicatoribus instituendis 329), that is, preaching, is of the utmost importance, offered not only a new status to preaching but also, through the new regulations of the religious life of all Christians, with a special focus on the laity, created new circumstances as well, favourable for their instruction. This programme “to attack the heretic deviations and to confirm the Catholic faith” (De predicatoribus instituendis 329) was, to a great extent, carried out by sermons delivered for lay people. These endeavours were paralleled by the new demands of the laity for a stronger devotional life.
The sermon was the genre par excellence where the two spheres, that is, the clerical and the lay, were most visibly in a close relationship; thus the transmission processes from one to the other and their reciprocal influence can be detected. These sermons lay at the intersection of orality and textuality: they were either actually delivered or written for devotional reading, not only for clerics and members of religious houses, male and female, but also for lay people needing devotional literature. Moreover, there are several variations of function of a sermon text, whether it was an actual draft, a reportatio of a heard speech or a model for a speech to be written, and so on. Sermons were also situated at the intersection where languages are mingled: Latin and the vernacular. The basic idea was to deliver a speech in Latin for
a clerical audience and in the vernacular to the lay, but there were several possibilities of variations and interchange.5
The dynamism resulting from all these aspects has allowed scholarly work on sermons to flourish.6 These works classify sermons and offer a well-documented overall account of such general issues as form, audience, provenance of texts, function of the texts, and so on. Studies of all these aspects are on the scholarly agenda of the day; new source editions and text studies transform and overthrow previously accepted views, such as too rigid categorisations. For a classification of sermons—from homily to the more flexible and transformed form of late medieval sermon types—several attempts are now being made at creating a typology, but the diversity of the material seems to withstand the claim of a clear-cut and all-embracing systematisation. As regards the form of the sermo, an important change seems to have taken place around the twelfth century, when the homilia, which means the systematic, verse-by-verse treatment of the Gospel pericope, gave way to the later form, called sermo, where a certain theme was elaborated upon, not necessarily the Gospel pericope, and the basic structure was thema-prothema and then the development of the different divisiones and subdivisiones. However, recent studies meticulously call attention to the fact that a great variety of forms existed, even enriched by the parallel survival of the homilia-type from older times. All of these aspects have a significant relevance for the uncovering of their functioning and for the functioning of their message as well.
Sermons are also treated as important sources for a better construction of the
“histoire des mentalités” through the study of variations of topoi related to the appearance of these in other genres as well. The number of studies trying to map the interchanges between Gelehrtenkultur and Volkskultur is increasing, and they embrace cultural and religious anthropology as well.7 The problems of diffusion of forms are also attracting more and more attention, besides the changes in the discourse according to the “horizon of expectation” of the audience, or according to the message that the preacher wanted to convey. Jacques Verger (1997) contributed to the former aspect with interesting studies about the “middle class” of the transmitters of clerical culture to the laity. The appropriation of this culture by the laity and the
5 Valente Bacci offers a concise list of the possible variants: 1) in Latin that existed as models and sources of inspiration for preachers and were never delivered orally before the public; 2) delivered in vernacular which have reached us in Latin; 3) in a mixture of Latin and in vernacular; 4) in vernacular, based on Latin models; 5) originally in vernacular; 6) originally written in vernacular, to be translated into Latin at a later date (Bacci 321).
6 See Martine de Reu (1998), Jean Longère, (1983), etc..Seminal work on late medieval English sermons is produced by H. Leith Spencer (1993); see also the more recent works of David d’Avray, etc..
7 Somewhat in contrast is the theory of Alain Boureau (1993) about the existence of a common culture of clerics and laity already from the twelfth century. The “histoire des mentalités” also emphasises the different pace at which culture norms and forms were changed and settled; it is interesting to see how the “longue durée” phenomena were paralleled by those of the “courte durée,” and how all these are reflected in the sermon production of this given period (for example, by heterodox movements, and so on, as factors which influence the changes in the “courte durée”).
altering of the models of transmission are mostly reflected by the changes in the discourse.8
The considerable increase in the sermon-production of the fourteenth century is followed by a similar increase in the transmission of these in the fifteenth century, and scholars agree that this was closely connected to the religious reform movements of the Late Middle Ages.9 This explosion was also manifested in the appearance of a large number of sermon-types, determined by the historical context, the function, and the audience of the delivery. The new figures of preachers carried out their activity in rural areas or in cities for large lay audiences and eventually with a great popularity.
The concern for the instruction and pastoral care of laity helped the further development of the genre of the sermon as a text to be heard, and even read by laity as well.10
Still, one has to be aware and accept that sermon research often implies several problems which may not be fully solved, such as those caused by the question of the language of delivery, the lack of knowledge of—or the impossibility of discovering—
the provenance of certain texts, of the authoritative/model sources available for the medieval author, the question of whether the text was actually performed, and if so, in which form, where, and when, and the validity/reliability of speculations about the reception. Being one of the most challenging parts of the research of sermons, the investigation of the reception condenses a series of questions, and the plausibility of definite answers is rather meagre. The first question pertaining here is about the actual delivery. In this respect both the analysis of the genre of the actual text, to see whether it is a Reportatio, a Model Sermon, a preparatory draft or a text written for devotional reading, and the investigations of external data about actual preaching may yield results. Then questions arise about the actual audience, of the purpose or the occasion of the delivery follows, with those of the echoes or reactions.
The differing anti-Lollard strategies of some sermons and of the Mirrour
The chosen sermons to create a context for Love’s Mirrour represent some of the problems mentioned above. In some cases authorship is not detectable, as in the case of the Ross Sermons and the Macaronic ones, then the types, whether written for actual delivery or as models is not clear in all cases. However, they all share important common grounds, and from these two are of relevance to our present investigations, in that they were all meant for the laity as well, and secondly, that they all contain anti-Lollard hints.
Love’s Mirrour was translated especially for a lay audience, but for such a substratum, who were literate, as Love explicitly states in his Proheme to the work.
The long doctrinal expositions with a highly specialized philosophical-theological
8 See Horner (1998) and Howard (1998).
9 For the sermon production of the thirteenth-century in Latin, see Schneyer (1969–1995).
10 “The reasons for a sudden increase in plenaria with gloss after 1400 are most likely to be sought in the increasing and programmatic transfer of theological knowledge to the laity as we were able to observe.” (Schiewer 895).
terminology attest to the fact that it was designed for a readership judged to be erudite enough to understand it and show interest in it. My analysis of the text shows that Love’s main strategy in refuting Lollard doctrines and gaining his readers to the cause of orthodoxy mainly consists in adopting a positive attitude toward his readers instead of being menacing or admonitory, and also in showing the attractive face of a Church, which estimates and incorporates those who are faithful and willing to submit themselves to its protection. I will argue for my hypothesis later.
The first group of sermons chosen to contextualize the Mirror, and which represent maybe the most distant type from it is a collection of macaronic sermons preserved in the Bodleian Library, MS Bodley 649, described and analyzed by Siegfried Wenzel in his Latin Sermon Collections from Late Medieval England . (Ford 2005) These are famous for their fervent anti-Wycliffism. All twenty-five pieces mention Lollards by name. From the doctrinal points they mainly focus on the auricular confession and the doctrine of the Eucharist, being themselves the main issues of the Lollard attack on the sacramental doctrine of the Church. Sometimes the sermons, following a tendency detectable in other writings of orthodox apologetics, do not present an explicit controversy in these doctrinal issues, but rather expound the official theology, thus reaffirming the readers in the sanctioned opinions. This paper will examine sermons 6 and 7; the latter entitled De celo querebant will be in the focus of my analysis, together with another macaronic one by the same author, that is sermon 154, Quem teipsum facis from the Worcester collection, Cathedral Library MS F.10.
The first section of the sermon-series is supposed to be the creation of the Benedictine Paunteley. Some of these sermons were intended for a lay audience, others were aimed at the clergy, and some evidently addressed both. All belong to the type called "scholastic sermon": they are based on a short biblical thema, which, after a prothema and introduction, is formally divided, with the divisions then being developed. The macaronic sermons are first of all products of literary composition, and internal evidence proves that some of them were intended for reading. Their language is macaronic: a mixture of Latin and English, with sudden and hitherto inexplicable switches from one to the other. However, the language of the written sermons does not indicate in any way the language of their actual delivery. As they are in majority written for a mixed audience, supposedly they were also delivered in a bilingual way.
Wenzel noticed an interesting phenomenon as regards the structuring and form of the sermons in this collection, namely the parallel presence of two different forms of sub-categorizing the thema. These different ways were traditionally used for differing audiences, thus the hybrid nature of the intended audience of the collection is further evidenced:
We find here the successive application of the two traditional ways to divide the thema: intra (dividing the verbal matter of the thema) and extra (dividing the concept that is contained in or suggested by the theme). The two techniques not only were recognized in a popular ars praedicandi
attributed to St. Bonaventure but were linked there to different audiences, with the former being of greater appeal to trained exegetes (the clergy) and the latter more easily grasped by theologically untrained minds (the laity).
It is surprising that we should find both kinds used simultaneously in several macaronic sermons preserved in different manuscripts.
(Wenzel, Macaronic Sermons 77)
Love’s Treatise is structured in a similarly complex way, itself betraying the composite nature of the intended audience, from the simpler members of laity to the more erudite.
The Middle English sermon collection from the British Museum MS Royal 18 B. 24. is known as the Ross sermons, after their editor. They form a miscellany of randomly collected sermons, written both for de tempore and de sanctis, and it seems that the sermons were designed to be preached, not simply to be read. From internal evidence we may assume that they were intended for a mixed audience, even for the most part for the laity, as the frequently recurrent salutation: ‘Good men and wymmen’ shows. Their language is Middle English, and their form is also mixed:
some are modern, scholastic, while others are simpler. Four of the sermons contain expressed anti-Lollard views.
The Macaronic sermons and the Ross sermons, however, share a common ground in applying a different tactic than that of Love. This tactic consists of exercising a harsh, outspoken critique, of using a strongly admonishing style, and a more didactic attitude towards their audience. In my view they form a separate group from that of Love’s Mirrour with which the last collection, Mirk’s Festial bears striking similarities as regards their strategies.
Judy Ann Ford in her book about Mirk’s Festial11 provides an excellent analysis of the strategy Mirk invented to gain his listeners for the cause of the orthodoxy against the Lollard challenge. She summarizes Mirk’s strategy in the Festial in these terms:
Mirk’s Festial constituted a potentially potent force in persuading the ordinary parishioners of late-medieval England that they belonged to a tradition that embraced illiterate commoners . . . Moreover, the Festial’s compelling images of lay agency functioning within established orthodoxy could serve as a ballast against an heretical ideology which set lay agency and clerical authority in opposition. (Ford 150)
Mirk’s strategy was not that of a fierce, direct attack on Wyclffism, but rather an indirect infiltration of his preaching material with larger amounts of doctrinal expositions of issues criticized by Lollardy and therefore claiming more accurate and solid orthodox treatment. Moreover, by the preponderant usage of narratives which have laypeople as positive agents in the form of the exempla, Mirk created a sense of
11 As for the manuscripts of the Festial, see Spencer (311–316).
a greater participation of his lay audience in the spiritual life exhibited in his sermons,
a greater participation of his lay audience in the spiritual life exhibited in his sermons,