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1.13 The treatment of nonfinite complements in Huddleston and

1.13.3 Cases overlooked

HP seem to have overlooked some important empirical facts, including, interestingly, some cases that they otherwise discuss. One of theses is there -infinitives in sentences like

(142) It’s essential for there to be no misunderstanding on this point. (p. 1183)

(143) I intended there to be more time for discussion. (p.

1232)

(144) We mustn’t allow there to be any repetition of this behaviour. (p. 1234)

(142) is quoted as evidence that, because “NPs following for [in such sen-tences] are the same as those which occur as subject of finite main clauses,”

including, importantly, “dummy there,” which “occurs freely here,” for must be analyzed as a complementizer (pp. 1182–83). This is correct. In a slightly simplified paraphrase, the argument is that if the presence of there is treated as independent evidence that there to be no misunderstanding on this point is a clause in (142), then the for that introduces it must be a complementizer.

What does this argument tell us about the constituent structure of infinitives and the category of for that may introduce them? Before drawing the fairly obvious conclusion, consider some important empirical facts that HP overlook. Clauses like the one just discussed occur freely as complements without for, as the following examples, as well as (143) and (144) above, show.

(145) They expect there to be no misunderstanding on this point.

(146) They want there to be no misunderstanding on this point.

As the argument suggests and these for-less data show, the clausehood (or otherwise) of infinitives is independent of the presence of for. In addition, the argument quite clearly, and correctly, implies that for us to conclude anything about the category of for in sentences like (142) and, in general, in sentences where for “introduces” infinitives, we must first establish the constituent structure and category of the material that follows it. Therefore, any attempt to reverse the argument by inferring anything about the constituent structure of infinitives from the presence or absence of for leads

to circularity. Nevertheless, the presence or absence of for plays a central role in HP’s account of infinitives.

As we have just seen, the ignorance of the circularity of arguments that center around the presence or absence of for in infinitival complements is inseparably related to the insufficient amount of attention HP pay to infinitives (and gerunds) with expletive subjects. As is well known, pleonastic there is obligatory in the infinitives above, as well as in gerunds and finite clauses of essentially the same structure, which is the chief motivation for the general requirement that sentence must have subjects (first proposed in Chomsky 1981 and later identified as the Extended Projection Principle in Chomsky 1982). This requirement is not adopted by HP, who assume instead that nonfinite clauses may occur without a subject.

In addition to the resulting descriptive inadequacies and inconsisten-cies we have noted above, which are more or less directly related to this unmotivated assumption HP adopt, we finally note a problem the assumption creates for the analysis gerunds. If, in absence of the requirement that sentences have subjects, the central argument in the analysis of nonfinites is that an NP preceding a nonfinite VP is a constituent of the matrix clause unless it is preceded by a complementizer, the analysis of gerunds becomes extremely troublesome, as they are never introduced by a complementizer.

1.13.4 “A shoulder on which for you to weep”

Although nonfinite relative clauses are not the focus of the present work, we make a final brief note of a descriptive point. Apparently because it is incorrectly assumed that infinitival relative clauses never contain for, HP claim that they “cannot contain an overt subject” (1264). This is factually not correct, as the expression chosen for the title of this section and some more examples below demonstrate.

(147) As Smither has no record on this issue on which for you to squeal like a spoiled child pointing a finger…

(148) a permanent and invariable general basis on which for you to act in future

(149) something for writers to reflect on

(150) It will make our community a safer and healthier place in which for us to live, and a more conducive environment for college students to learn.

(151) That is a useful point at which for us to conclude.

2 THE SEMANTICS AND DISTRIBUTION OF INFINITIVES AND GERUNDS

2.1 Introduction

After a survey of the major arguments in favor of the clausal structure of nonfinite complements in English, I will discuss some general questions of both theoretical and descriptive interest concerning the problem of how to account for their semantics and distribution and I will consider some concrete proposals. The critical survey of the proposals will be followed by the presentation of a general hypothesis on the implicit interpropositional aspects of the semantic interpretation of sentences and I will explore some of its consequences and predictions. Finally, I will develop an alternative hypothesis on the distribution of nonfinite complements in English, in which I will draw upon the elements of the general hypothesis. Theoretical as well as empirical arguments and evidence will be provided in favor of the hypotheses as we proceed.