• Nem Talált Eredményt

ous small artefacts (for example, Bilzingsleben, Vértesszőlős, Kûlna or Tata) indicate a large variety of raw materials used by these humans, and then the likely necessity of

using of hard surfaces perhaps to prepare small stone artefact edges.

5 6 B E Y R I E S - W A L T E R 1996.; P L I S S O N - B E Y R I E S 1998.; S H E A 1998.

W h i l e in the eastern part of Europe, the microlithic assemblages are linked with various kinds of sites and fauna in relation to the environmental context, in Central Europe, they are more often associated with h o t water springs. Some lucky discove-ries could explain it, such as the excellent preservation of remains in the travertine deposits. However, in spite of the current knowledge about sites in this geographical area, this specific location could notice a type of settlement for h u m a n groups with a microlithic tradition. It may have provided evidence of original h u m a n settlements in favourable areas for animals and vegetation.63 Mobile h u m a n groups could find easy prey regardless to the environment.

Recent biochemical analyses on animal bones suggest that N e a n d e r t h a l s often prefered herbivores, mostly living in open areas, even if sites (in Spain) provide evi-dence of small prey hunting such as birds.6 4 Furthermore, h u m a n settlements in northern Europe always provide occupation in a middle forest context, neither in a large woodland environment and nor in a cold one.65 N e a n d e r t h a l s would not like total forest environment. Actually, most of the microlithic sites in the Central Europe basins, according to the palynological studies and the faunal remains analy-sis, indicate that the landscape could be a patchwork of both forests and open areas.66

In this kind of context, Neanderthals could have found a favourable environment for their subsistence and especially a high density of mammals easily available near the water springs. A n open landscape was certainly favouring the mobility of the N e a n -derthal groups. However, the scale of this mobility is impossible to estimate, even if assemblages include some long distance area stones. Researchers suggest that the discovery of these rocks indicates the territory size. Nevertheless, exchanges among h u m a n groups or mobile isolated h u m a n s could as well explain the movement of such strange objects.67 Ethnographic studies show that objects move more than h u m a n s . From more t h a n ioo km, the long distance area rocks in Kûlna are totally differ-ent from the whole lithic assemblage by their shaping, which, in contrary, looks like those of the T a t a artefacts. Relations among groups inside Central Europe basins, through geographical gates, are not still demonstrated but artefact exchanges or col-lecting of extraordinary objects in an extend territory have to be discussed to survey the microlithic assemblages in a spatial point of view. T h e T a t a bifacial points would be, in this case, evidence of traditions a n d not just functional needs.

The role of anthropogenic and non-anthropogenic factors are now well understood for some of these sites, according to the fauna analysis. Most animal remains are probably the result of a hunting or a h u m a n scavenging in the surroundings. Evidence for h u n t i n g is plentiful. Some of the Kûlna bones (Cervus elaphus) show h u m a n

cut-AUGUSTE et al. 1998,; MONCEL 2001b.

BOCHERENS et al, 1997.

ROEBROEKS-TUFFREAU 1999.

VALOCH 1988.

MONCEL-NERUDA 2000.; MONCEL 200IC.

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ting marks6 8 and a large part of the faunal remains can be related to a h u m a n activ-ity. W h i l e Kulna level n only yields some elephant remains, t h e T a t a assemblage yields young elephant remains as a main component. Unfortunately, these elephant remains are too few to implement a discussion on the evidence of hunting or scaveng-ing. They indicate at least one or several summer settlements. W e s t e r n site studies suggest that h u m a n s do h u n t e d large herbivores such as t h e Rhinoceros or the Ele-phant, especially on young animals.6 9 Furthermore, the high density of artefacts and bones seems to indicate that h u m a n s could have regularly occupied the water spring banks, possibly for hunting great herbivores on a large scale. For example, in Tau-bach (in Germany), the high frequency of young rhinoceros of 1-1,5 year old (Steph-anorhinus kirchbergensis) in t h e bone assemblage attests an easy prey hunting.7 0 O n the 62 juvenile animal bones, numerous cut marks have been observed, especially on tibias. The Rhinoceros are associated with Ursus arctos bones which also bear cut marks. Bison priscus, Castor fiber and Cervus elaphus are well-represented but with few bone fragments with cut marks. The Rhinoceros mortality curve does not show a catastrophic profile, and according to B, Bratlund, this is evidence for an active hunt-ing durhunt-ing repeated settlements. It would be t h e same case in Gánovce with b o t h Elephas antiquus and Dicerorhinus mercki,71

If it is difficult t o admit t h a t t h e small tools have been used for hunting, except the points, it is conceivable t h a t they could have been, at least, used for the animal processing. A Levallois point driven into the vertebra of a wild ass has been discov-ered in Syria, indicating a h u n t i n g weapon and a projectile use.72 However, the point size is larger than the microlithic points from T a t a a n d it is impossible to know if a smaller projectile could have the same effect than a larger one. Aerodynamic studies on stone points from Middle Palaeolithic assemblages suggest, in the state of knowl-edge, a high penetration at short distance because of their large base.73 A close dis-tance necessary for hunting implies a particular kind of subsistence behaviour. If the small points have been used as projectiles, it could perhaps explain the choice of water springs to stay, in order to pick up dead or injured animals or t o h u n t easy preys.

According to t h e site, t h e blank categories vary while t h e processing system remains the same. I n Tata, triangular flakes and elongated flakes (laminar flakes a n d bladelets) are more frequent among the assemblage as in Kûlna or Taubach-Weimar.

Bifacial points also characterize t h e tool kit. A relationship between t h e debitage and a particular activity can be considered for each kind of blank related to a specific tool, in the presence of a retouch (points on triangular flakes and scrapers on backed flakes or ordinary flakes). It could be attractive to see within these tool types a clue

6 8 VALOCH 1988.; ZELINOVA 1998.

6 9 AUGUSTE et al. 1998.

for a larger range of activities and perhaps a more developed hunting in Tata than in

the Kûlna cave or the open air site of Predmosti II.

74

The bifacial points or the flat

retouch on the blank butt would have been more efficient to haft them. Nevertheless,

the idea of a different tradition can no longer be discarded, as the rare bifacial tools in

Kûlna suggest. Furthemore, technological studies in the recent years have focussed

on the danger to closely associate a flaking method, such as the discoidal method,

with a specific activity such as a large hunting and butchery processing.

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Each flaking

method, especially the laminar processing method, is able to produce efficient blanks

to treat animal corpses. The toolmakers actually selected among their technical

abil-ities the best processing systems, or several ones, to meet the needs of the human

group during a settlement. In Tata, the debitage method used, similar to those in

Kûlna, Pfedmostí II and even Vértesszőlős, certainly attests a large range technolog­