Nach oben pdf The influence of the sea on the economic development and settlement structure in the Baltic Sea region

The influence of the sea on the economic development and settlement structure in the Baltic Sea region

The influence of the sea on the economic development and settlement structure in the Baltic Sea region

Earliest studies into the influence of the sea on the economy and settlement structure date back to the mid-19th century. They be- came common in the 20th century. Research- ers have come to a general understanding that a coastal position has a beneficial effect on the development of regions. Such areas have a denser population and develop more rapidly than inland regions. At the same time, the ef- fect of environmental, socioeconomic, demo- graphic, and political factors is often stronger than the influence of the sea. Thus, an inland position can be more beneficial than a coastal one. Both trends are observed in the Baltic Sea macro-region. However, the ‘gravitation- al force’ of the sea varies from place to place. This article focuses on the most significant differences between territories and countries. These differences reflect the uneven influence of the proximity of the Baltic Sea on the devel- opment of population and national economies. Qualitative differences between meso-regions are measured using a combination of theoreti- cal and empirical typologies. A combined eco- nomic, statistical, and cartographic analysis helps to identify a special type of meso-regions — coastal development corridors, which make an important contribution to the economic de- velopment and consolidation of the Baltic mac- ro-region. In transnational macro-regions, such typological differences must be taken into account in strategic and spatial planning at the intergovernmental level.
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Trans-European-networks and the development of transport in the Eastern Baltic Sea region

Trans-European-networks and the development of transport in the Eastern Baltic Sea region

If one assesses the determinants of modal split in Baltic Rim hinterland-traffic to and from Russia, it becomes quite clear that rail transport will play a much larger role than road transport, and that rail transport will retain a much larger share in modal split than it actually has in Western European countries. The reason for this rather uncommon hypothesis does not lie in the mere fact that road networks seem to have been neglected during Soviet times and are in a even worse state than rail networks so that a Western style modal shift would take place immediately if only funds would be directed to road building. Neither are former ideologically founded regulations in favour of rail transport — which might have created path dependencies — entirely responsible for this modal split. In contrast, the reasons for the rail dominance are (a) the pattern of the location of economic activities with very long distances with bundled traffic flows dominating over short-distance dispersed flows, (b) conditions of climate and geography making road building much more expensive in most parts of Russia than in Western Europe (see Böhme et al. 1998a: 129 ff.). The arctic climate in this region requires much more funds per km of a more or less agreeable road (see e.g. Buchhofer 1993), and in many European as well as Asian parts of Russia there is simply a lack of appropriate building materials like stone and gravel for ballast purposes which have to be supplied from far away by substantial transport costs. 21 Thus, there is strong evidence that rail transport will retain its dominance in Russian transport as well as in the respective transit flows.
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Geopolitical and geo-economic changes in the Baltic Sea region at the turn of the XX-XXI centuries

Geopolitical and geo-economic changes in the Baltic Sea region at the turn of the XX-XXI centuries

The border between the two systems, the West and the East, ran through the Baltic region. However, the groupings on either side of the border were not homogeneous. Only the FRG and Denmark were EU and NATO mem- bers. A segment of the capitalistic system — Sweden and Finland — re- mained politically non-aligned. Moreover, Finland had close economic ties with the USSR and it was part of an agreement of friendship and cooperation with the Soviet Union, which imposed certain political limitations. The ‘Eastern bloc’ was also heterogeneous and divided by civilizational dispari- ties. Despite a once deep rift within the German nation, the reunification proved its fundamental unity and affiliation with the Western civilisation. The Polish society also remained part of the Western civilisation. Although the USSR declared the emergence of a ‘Soviet people’ as a new historical alliance and some experts proclaimed the development of a ‘Soviet civilisa- tion’ 1 , the Baltic union republics demonstrated pronounced civilizational dif- ferences from the future regions of the Russian Federation.
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The Baltic Sea region and increasing international tension

The Baltic Sea region and increasing international tension

In the 1990s—2000s, drastic changes took place in the Baltic Sea area: Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania regained their independence; united Germany exerted increased interest on European affairs; NATO grew to incorporate Poland (1999), Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania (2004); six new members from the Baltic region acceded to the European Union (Sweden and Finland in 1995, Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia in 2004), while Russia became the only non-EU state. All countries of the region have acceded to the Coun- cil of Europe declaring their commitment to common values. They also as- pired to support the efforts of the OSCE, which resulted in the 1992 Helsinki Summit Meeting of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe. The establishment of the Council of the Baltic Sea States (1992) and the de- velopment of Russia — EU (Partnership and Cooperation Agreement signed on Corfu un 1994) and Russia — NATO relations (the Founding Act of 1997, the 2002 Rome Declaration, etc.) signified positive contributions to the sta- bilisation of situation in the region. Military activity in the region was insig- nificant. The Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe (1990, adapted in 1999) did play a positive role in that period, so the emergence of a border shared by a group of EU and NATO members and Russia did not change the matters much. The 2008 financial and economic crisis had a less significant effect on the Baltic Sea region than it had on Southern Europe and the Mediterranean. At some point, however, cooperation between Russia and the other Baltic Sea states started to lose its momentum. The EU mem- ber states were dealing with regional problems without Russian participa- tion. The Framework Document and the Political Declaration for the North- ern Dimension (2006) signed by Russia, the EU, Norway, and Iceland were both welcomed by the Russian leadership [1], yet the programmes’ practical effect was insignificant. In 2007, Russia suspended its involvement in the Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe [2], a decision affected by the stalled ratification by the countries of the West and discontent in the ‘flank zone limits’, which applied to Russia’s armed forces in the North- West but not to NATO’s members Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania. There were a number of other symptoms indicating that the situation was not changing for the better.
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Transborder corporate integration in the Baltic Sea Region

Transborder corporate integration in the Baltic Sea Region

Within the EU, corporate integration takes rather complicated forms. Along with interlaced capital at the level of an entire integration group (usu- ally in large-scale corporate business), a number of sub-regional areas are also segregated. These areas are characterized by a significant role of direct in- vestments of medium-sized business, often in the framework of cross-border cooperation [6, p. 31—35]. In this connection, we shall focus on investment activities of northern European companies, which are stimulated first and foremost by the traditional cooperation of the Nordic countries and, to a lesser degree, the establishment of the EU common economic space. The next point will be the investment activities of German and Polish TNCs in the Baltic re- gion. We aim to examine the extent to which the accession of the Baltic region countries to the EU contributed to the development of northern European inte- gration into European integration. The third part of the paper will define a po- sition of Russian business in regional corporate integration and estimate the prospects of economic cooperation between Russia and the EU.
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Russia’s energy geostrategy in the Baltic Sea region

Russia’s energy geostrategy in the Baltic Sea region

According to the Energy strategy adopted in Russia in 2009, Gazprom and other energy companies with state backing aspire to maintain stable relations with traditional markets but use a geopolitical approach for ad- vancing national interests, since economic security largely depends on successful energy export. Whether a transition from the geopolitical to a geostrategic (integrative) approach will be possible in this region is still an open question. The outcome will largely depend on whether the Baltic countries are able to abandon the position ofthe last Western outpost” and assume that of “a bridge between the East and the West”. The signs of a geostrategic (integrative) approach are present in Russian energy policy regarding Poland. However, there are still complications in rela- tions between Russia and the Baltics caused by the concerns about the declining role of transit countries in delivering Russian energy resources to Germany and other states of Western Europe. These complications are mostly connected with the development of oil transit via the ports of Pri- morsk and Ust-Luga on the Russian territory and the continuation of the Russian Nord Stream project.
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Approaches to the definition of the Baltic sea region

Approaches to the definition of the Baltic sea region

It is difficult to give an unambiguous definition of the Baltic Sea region since it is heterogeneous in terms of language, religion, culture, and history, and is highly diversified in terms of the environment and the economy. Eco- nomic and cultural cooperation, joint measures of marine environment pro- tection, spatial harmonization, and sustainable development provide a framework for international and interregional cooperation promoting the in- tegration within the region. The Baltic Sea Region is an experimental plat- form for transnational and cross-border cooperation at many levels, allowing to develop new concepts and strategies and create a lot of opportunities for development. Since this view differs from the others in breadth, the proposal to delimit the BSR on the basis of the concept of three circles seems to be justified. However, due to the ambiguous definition of its boundaries, every time the term Baltic Sea region is used it is necessary to specify its territory.
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The future of the Baltic Sea region: Potentials and challenges

The future of the Baltic Sea region: Potentials and challenges

Abbildung 7 Ageing labour force influences economy tion, this would decelerate the rate of population decline. Their success in this will depend largely on these countries’ ability to develop economically, on fu- ture wage levels, and on the extent to which additional jobs can be created. It is not only the number of people of employable age which is shrinking. The age distribution will also change. The proportion of people of working age under 45 years old will tend to diminish. In the eastern countries, this is fore- cast to shrink between -7.9 and -24.3% (cf. Figure 8). In general, the decreases in and ageing of the number of people of employable age presents a challenge for the future economic development of the Baltic Sea states. There are em- pirical studies which suggest a negative correlation between the age of a la- bour force and its average productivity - especially in industrial occupations (cf. Skirbekk 2008; Börsch-Supan et al. 2006). This will have a negative impact on the competitiveness of the companies in the Baltic Sea region if steps are not taken to positively influence productivity. Ageing employees require a suitable work environment which includes life-long learning. The diminish- ing importance of physical strength in working life and the improved health and cognitive abilities of older people leave room for new forms of work or- ganisation. Ongoing training measures, a gradual reduction in working times and flexible wage models are only some of the options for adjusting to a chan- ging demography and benefiting from the experience of older employees.
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Innovative economy in the Baltic Sea region

Innovative economy in the Baltic Sea region

To ensure stable innovation economy it is essential to educate highly qualified personnel. Under the Triple Helix model, universities involved in research and development are a chief resource for high-tech industries. Eval- uating the data on the total number of students, it may be noted that more than a third of Baltic region's 20—29-years-old citizens (i. e., in the typical student age) are students. According to this index, all countries of the region, except in Germany, exceed the average of the EU. In the Baltic States, the proportion of female university graduates working in the field of science and technology is the highest across the EU [22].
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Nuclear power in the Baltic Sea region: the history of emergence and the political and economic features of its development

Nuclear power in the Baltic Sea region: the history of emergence and the political and economic features of its development

Lithuanian observers believe that it will take some time to find a solution to the problem of commencing the Visaginas NPP construction. Meanwhile, a number of important questions arise. For instance, how will the Japanese in- vestor react to such a delay? How will the financial aspect of the project be settled? Any delay leads to the obsolescence of the infrastructure remaining from the Ignalina NPP, which is one of Vilnius’s main trump cards in the issue of constructing a new NPP particularly in Lithuania and not in any other coun- try. Lithuanian specialists in the field of nuclear energy are losing their quali- fication. Finally, there are two other NPPs being constructed on the neighbour- ing territories (in Belarus and the Kaliningrad region). One more question: to what extent will the power generated at Visaginas be competitive?
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Climate Change in the Baltic Sea Region : The Vulnerability of German Ports

Climate Change in the Baltic Sea Region : The Vulnerability of German Ports

locations for industry and service providers, the German Baltic Sea ports contribute significantly to the security and strengthening of employment, income, and tax revenue in the coastal region. According to a study on the regional economic importance of the ports in Lübeck by UNICONSULT 2012, approximately 8,200 jobs in this city depend directly on its ports. For the city of Lübeck, the gross value associated with the port related economy is estimated at 542 million Euros.
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Climate change adaptation strategies in the Baltic Sea Region

Climate change adaptation strategies in the Baltic Sea Region

Finland was the first EU country to develop a national adaptation strategy. Following the national climate strategy of 2001, the adaptation strategy was adopted in 2005. An important contribution in the development process was provided by the research project FINADAPT by the Finnish Ministry of the Environment, which examined Finland's ability to adapt to climate change. The aim of the Adaptation Strategy is to reduce the negative consequences of climate change and to make use of potential opportunities. The Strategy therefore highlights vulnerability to climate change, the potential impacts on various sectors and it also proposes measures to improve the adaptability of those sectors. The responsibility for the implementation of the national Adaptation Strategy lies with the respective sectoral ministries. Some of them have already begun to develop assessments and plans of action to integrate adaptation into other policy areas.
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Climate Change Adaptation Strategies in the Baltic Sea Region

Climate Change Adaptation Strategies in the Baltic Sea Region

Finland was the first EU country to develop a national adaptation strategy. Following the national climate strategy of 2001, the adaptation strategy was adopted in 2005. An important contribution in the development process was provided by the research project FINADAPT by the Finnish Ministry of the Environment, which examined Finland's ability to adapt to climate change. The aim of the Adaptation Strategy is to reduce the negative consequences of climate change and to make use of potential opportunities. The Strategy therefore highlights vulnerability to climate change, the potential impacts on various sectors and it also proposes measures to improve the adaptability of those sectors. The responsibility for the implementation of the national Adaptation Strategy lies with the respective sectoral ministries. Some of them have already begun to develop assessments and plans of action to integrate adaptation into other policy areas.
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Security in and through regional cooperation in the Baltic Sea region

Security in and through regional cooperation in the Baltic Sea region

Through their work in general, organizations such as the CBSS, the Helsinki Commission (HELCOM), the Baltic Sea States Subregional Cooperation (BSSSC), the Union of Baltic Cities (UBC) and the Baltic Sea Parliamentary Conference (BSPC) contributed to confidence building and stabilizing and desecuritizing the region. The regional cooperation structures were successful in organizing an active political dialogue among the countries of the region in the early 1990s. This dialogue was very helpful to bring people on very different levels together, to get to know each other and to jointly discuss and find possible solutions to common, not just multilateral but also even bilateral, problems. Building and consequently strengthening mutual understanding, confidence and good neighbourly relations and overall regional stability on that basis were therefore considered as the main achievements of Baltic Sea cooperation in those early years. Later, also more concrete results in specific issue areas such as environment, nuclear and radiation safety and education could be achieved. This way, despite some significant conflict potential in particular between Russia and the Baltic states and an overall uncertainty over the future development of the region and the place of each individual country within it, major conflicts could be prevented in the region.
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Baltic sea region studies: current trends (based on publications in the Baltic Region Journal)

Baltic sea region studies: current trends (based on publications in the Baltic Region Journal)

Naturally, most works focus on the development problems of the Kalin- ingrad region since the journal is published in Kaliningrad and the surround- ing region — a Russian exclave with unique natural and socioeconomic con- ditions — is an area of special research interest. There are dozens of differ- ent strategies for the region’s socioeconomic development prepared by both Russian and international experts. Kaliningrad regional issues have been ex- amined in the works of 28 authors from Kaliningrad, eight from Moscow, one from Saint Petersburg, four from other Russian cities, and four from abroad.
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Mechanisms of sea-level variability in the Baltic Sea region for the period 1850-2100

Mechanisms of sea-level variability in the Baltic Sea region for the period 1850-2100

To sum up, much consideration has been devoted to improve the understanding of sea-level variability in the Baltic Sea. However, the connection between drivers and sea-level variability is not completely understood for this region. For instance, the reason for the spatial and temporal heterogeneity of the link between the Baltic Sea level and sea-level-pressure, including the NAO, remains unexplained. So far the knowledge about the role of atmospheric circulation in off-shore and coastal sea-level variability in the Baltic Sea region is not fully established yet. Therefore, drivers of sea- level variability that can be attributed to effects of atmospheric variability should be comprehensively analysed. In addition, the natural variations that may potentially cause large variations in decadal sea-level trends of the Baltic Sea have not been estimated. It is still not known whether the mechanisms that have been claimed to account for the interannual variations of sea-level are also responsible for the variability of decadal sea-level trends in the Baltic Sea. Furthermore, given the continuous remarkable deviations of regional sea-level trends from GMSL rise, studies devoted to close the gap of knowledge about the influence of atmospheric circulation on the near future sea-level rise in the Baltic Sea are needed.
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Strategic opportunities for economic development
of the Baltic Sea coastal zones and sea industrial and port complexes

Strategic opportunities for economic development of the Baltic Sea coastal zones and sea industrial and port complexes

At a regional spatial level, the coastal territory is a maritime region which con- stitutes a state formation or a maritime entity of state formations at the federal level. The borders of the maritime territorial entities are represented by state bor- ders or administrative borders of maritime entities of state formations at the fed- eral level [6]. Given approach is based on the fact that administrative entities of some countries (mainly of a federal type) can have quite long coastlines, border to waters of several seas and oceans, influence the world economy and consist of administrative entities with various autonomy ranges that can be viewed as inde- pendent maritime regions. A country in the Baltic Sea region that matches the above-mentioned definition is the Russian Federation with St. Petersburg, the Leningrad and Kaliningrad regions as maritime entities. There are other maritime countries that have economic and political power and a long coastline; however, it is not viable to segregate some of their administrative entities as maritime regions, as soon as maritime regions comprise of maritime territorial administrative enti- ties. However, the detached regions of such countries differ a lot in their geo- graphical location and attraction, sea potential and its constituents. The regions of the Baltic Sea are: [3]:
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Environmental intensity of economic growth in the Baltic Sea region

Environmental intensity of economic growth in the Baltic Sea region

Economic growth based on modern principles of management is accompanied by increased environmental pollution, the degra- dation of natural ecosystems, a reduction in biodiversity, the de- pletion of natural resources, climate change, and deteriorating public health. Today, the established philosophy and practices of management are no longer up to the task of improving the quality of life. There is a need for a change in priorities and for a transition to a new trajectory in line with the principles of sustainable devel- opment and the green economy. This trajectory will ensure eco- nomic growth focused on the needs of society, economic well- being, social justice, and providing a safe living environment ra- ther than on obtaining the maximum economic benefit for a lim- ited number of people through ruthless exploitation of natural and labour resources. Thus, environmental security is becoming cru- cial for economic development and the very existence of human society.
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The Climate in the North and Baltic Sea Region

The Climate in the North and Baltic Sea Region

range between 3 ° C and 4 ° C in January and February and 20 ° C to 22 ° C in August. Be- tween May and September, the daily temperatures can reach a maximum of about 30 ° C. The highest temperatures were recorded in August on the Lower Saxony and Mecklenburg parts of the mainland coast, with a maximum of 36 ° C. The mean daily minimum tempera- tures in January and February range between 0 ° C and +1 ° C in the North Sea and –1 ° C in the Baltic Sea area. Lowest air temperatures occur if under a high pressure area, dry cold air prevails in clear, calm nights with snow cover. Under such conditions, temperatures may well go down to –15 ° C. Very often, however, there is no frost due to the inflowing maritime air masses or the blowing winds. The probability of frost increases from the North towards the Baltic Sea and with increasing distance from the sea. For this reason, the annual mean number of days with air frost is 28 on Helgoland, 40 on the East Frisian Islands and about 50 on the coasts of the North Sea, whereas in the Baltic Sea area, there are about 60 frost days. The highest number, i.e. 75 to 80 frost days, is recorded east of the island of Rügen where the continental influence is strongest. In years with extremely cold winter months, such as in 1996, the number may even double (e.g. Boltenhagen had 112 frost days in 1996 and 60 on average in the period from 1971 to 2000), whereas in years with a very mild win- ter, such as 1974, 1990 or 2000, only about 10 to 20 frost days in the North Sea, 20 to 30 frost days in the Baltic Sea area and 30 to 40 frost days east of Rügen occurred. Since the end of the 1980s, an increasing frequency of occurrence of mild winters can be observed, which results in a significant decrease in the number of frost and ice days and in the shortening of the period between the first and the last frost. As shown in Fig. 5, Cuxhaven station provides an excellent example for this. What is noticeable here, is the extraordinarily mild winter of 2006/2007.
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Governance beyond the nation-state: transnationalization and Europeanization of the Baltic Sea Region

Governance beyond the nation-state: transnationalization and Europeanization of the Baltic Sea Region

The three case studies have shown, therefore, that the European Union is di- rectly involved in decision making as a stakeholder: it is a signatory of HELCOM, it was involved in the initiation of Baltic 21 and, as an SOG member, it remains a partner in the Baltic 21 process. The European Union is generally responsive to the needs and challenges of sustainable development, on the one hand, and to European governance, on the other. It tries to address these goals by means of new governance arrangements and by assigning a greater role to non-state actors and, to a certain extent, by mainstreaming their involvement in the policy process. However, the soft policy approach taken by the EU on certain issues, for example, within the Northern Dimension, could also be questioned. Therefore, in some areas, a regulative approach promises better outcomes. Sustainable development needs a broad base of support at all levels of government. In this respect the integrative approach of Baltic 21 seems to fit very well into the overall European strategy. 47 The European approach of using a combination of “old” and “new” instruments can generally be considered to be on the right track, although it is not as successful as it could and should be. Despite the shortcomings, however, the
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