Nach oben pdf Economic and geographical structure of the Baltic Sea region

Economic and geographical structure of the Baltic Sea region

Economic and geographical structure of the Baltic Sea region

The Baltic Sea region is one of the most developed transnational regions. It is com- prised of the coastal areas of Russia, Ger- many, and Poland and the entire territories of Sweden, Denmark, Finland, Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia. New spatial forms of international economic cooperation are emerging in the region. The region is not homogeneous in terms of socioeconomic development, thus there are certain diffe- rences in dimensions and intensity of inter- national cooperation. The author sets out to identify structural characteristics of the Baltic Sea region. This requires studying practices of transnational and transboun- dary cooperation and possibilities for their adoption in other regions of the world. An important characteristic of the Baltic Sea region is a considerable difference between its coastal territories, the fact that affects the development of multilateral relations. This article examines the most pronounced socioeconomic differences that should be taken into account when forecasting coop- eration trends in the region, including those between the Baltic territories of Russia and their international partners.
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Climate Change in the Baltic Sea Region : The Vulnerability of German Ports

Climate Change in the Baltic Sea Region : The Vulnerability of German Ports

The rise in sea level also increases the baseline level for storm high tides. Therefore, the occurrence probability of high water levels also increases. With regards to these aspects, the survey has shown that storm high tides with peak levels beyond 2m, such as it occurred twice during the last century, will cause severe disruptions and damages for two-thirds of participating ports. Because such events may take place at any time, the corresponding ports are advised to evaluate possible modifications and implement these measures. Furthermore, the possible intensification of westward winds may increase the net transport of sediments in exposed ports (e.g. Rostock). Therefore, dredging may have to be done in shorter intervals, especially to maintain the ships’ passage way.
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Mechanisms of sea-level variability in the Baltic Sea region for the period 1850-2100

Mechanisms of sea-level variability in the Baltic Sea region for the period 1850-2100

In this study, we estimate the influence of atmospheric circulation in future Baltic Sea level rise under the RCP8.5 scenario over the 21 st century. For this estimation, we use SLP outputs of eight CMIP5 models, the BANOS-index and the NAO-index, and sea level records of the Stockholm and Warnemünde tide gauges in wintertime. In addition, it is suggested that large-scale sea-surface-temperature (SST) variations may play a role in modulating the modes of atmospheric circulation in the North Atlantic, in particular the NAO (e.g. Czaja et al. 2003, Rodwell 2003). It is therefore possible that a mode of atmospheric variability in the North Atlantic can be slowly directed by the multidecadal evolution of the SST (e.g. Greatbatch 2000). Based on this perspective, we investigated the connection in the multidecadal trends between the atmospheric indices and the extended North Atlantic/Europe region air temperature. A possible connection between those variables would suggest the existence of future global warming signal in the related modes of atmospheric circulation by BANOS and NAO. Accordingly, this study has five main parts: The comparison of the CMIP5 model skills, predicting atmosphere-driven Baltic Sea level trend under the RCP8.5 scenario over the 21 st century, testing the prediction skill by using the Brier Skill Score method, investigating the influence of internal climatic variability on the associated sea-level trends and exploring the connection between the modes of the atmospheric circulation and the large-scale air temperature.
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Determinants for Foreign Direct Investment in the Baltic Sea Region

Determinants for Foreign Direct Investment in the Baltic Sea Region

Another interesting fact in Figure 2.6 is the relatively low level of FDI in Germany. As a large and wealthy economy it is not as dependent on FDI as smaller and economically poorer countries. It is not easy to make profitable investments in high income countries because it is hard to bring new economic knowledge to a market that is already specialized and rich. This makes the case of Sweden very interesting (and in part the other Nordic countries too, see figure 2.2) because it has the same GDP per capita level as Germany but it is still able lure a lot of FDI. This difference can imply that one factor that affects FDI is the size of the economy.
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Nuclear power in the Baltic Sea region: the history of emergence and the political and economic features of its development

Nuclear power in the Baltic Sea region: the history of emergence and the political and economic features of its development

tion around the construction of the new NPP. At the end of April, the repub- lic’s leadership emphasised the need to reconsider the conditions of the forthcoming implementation of the Visaginas NPP construction project. First of all, the project has to be approved by the political parties and citizens. Also, there is a need to reduce the design costs of the NPP construction, which should entail a decrease in NPP-generated electricity charges. Finally, the Lithuanian leadership plans to increase the investment role of the Japa- nese corporation Hitachi Nuclear, whereas Estonia and Latvia — as future partners — should take on a corresponding share of expenditure relating to preliminary works. Reactions to the changed construction conditions are to be expected in the second half of 2013. Experts believe that Lithuania can postpone indefinitely the implementation of the project.
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Electric energy cooperation in the Baltic Sea region and the role of Russia in it

Electric energy cooperation in the Baltic Sea region and the role of Russia in it

International cooperation This article examines cooperation in the electric energy sector in the Baltic re- gion. The author explores the existing un- dersea HVDC power exchange projects. It is emphasised that cooperation in the electric energy sector is concentrated largely in the EU member states despite earlier plans to establish the Baltic energy ring, which would also include Russia and Belarus. The author stresses that one of the most acute problems for the EU today is overcoming isolation of the energy sys- tems of the Baltic States (Lithuania, Lat- via, and Estonia) from that of the major part of the EU. This task has become es- pecially relevant after the closing of the Ignalina NPP (Lithuania), which used to be the primary energy source for the three Baltic States. The article examines key projects of the construction of new inter- national power transmission lines in the framework of the Baltic Energy Market Interconnection Plan (BEMIP) and the prospects of the Visaginas NPP (Lithua- nia) in solving energy problems of the Baltic States. The author analyses Rus- sia’s role in the electric energy market and focuses on a possible increase of the country’s energy market share following the construction of the Baltic NPP and the export of generated electric energy to Po- land, Lithuania, Germany, and Sweden. The author concludes that the prospects of Russia’s energy export to the Baltic Sea region will be determined not only by technological, economic and market fac- tors, but rather by the general state of re- lations between Russia and the EU. Moreover, a lot depends on Lithuania’s decision on the construction of the Vis- aginas NPP, as well as the way the EU and the Baltic States solve the problem of energy supply in case the NPP project is terminated.
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Climate change adaptation strategies in the Baltic Sea Region

Climate change adaptation strategies in the Baltic Sea Region

Finland was the first EU country to develop a national adaptation strategy. Following the national climate strategy of 2001, the adaptation strategy was adopted in 2005. An important contribution in the development process was provided by the research project FINADAPT by the Finnish Ministry of the Environment, which examined Finland's ability to adapt to climate change. The aim of the Adaptation Strategy is to reduce the negative consequences of climate change and to make use of potential opportunities. The Strategy therefore highlights vulnerability to climate change, the potential impacts on various sectors and it also proposes measures to improve the adaptability of those sectors. The responsibility for the implementation of the national Adaptation Strategy lies with the respective sectoral ministries. Some of them have already begun to develop assessments and plans of action to integrate adaptation into other policy areas.
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Europe's 2020 - innovation and creative capability of the Baltic Sea Region

Europe's 2020 - innovation and creative capability of the Baltic Sea Region

The indicator of employment is built on a specific distinction of the creative and cul- ture sector including the NACE Rev.2 economic activities of film, television and music production, programming and broadcasting, creative, arts and entertainment activities, libraries, archives and museums as well as related technical activities. As in terms of innovation, the Nordic countries also rank above the EU-28 average of 2.8 percent when it comes to the employment in the creative sector in relation to the total employment. While Germany and Poland lie under the European average, especially the Baltic States rank higher compared to their innovation rankings. Nevertheless, Latvia and Lithuania are the only countries that befall a negative growth rate in 2008-14, while the majority of countries realized a growth in double-digits. As in terms of employment, Sweden tops the list with almost 5 percent of all enterprises being related to the cultural sector.7 Apart from Finland, the Nordic States again represent the upper range in contrast to Eastern European countries. In Germany, the low share of creative and culture employment is relativized by its above-average number of creative enterprises. However, in none of the observed countries has a negative growth taken place in 2008-13, whereas Estonia, Lat- via and Germany realized significant increases between 23.3 and 35.4 percent (see table 2).
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Climate Change Adaptation Strategies in the Baltic Sea Region

Climate Change Adaptation Strategies in the Baltic Sea Region

Latvia does not yet have a national adaptation strategy. Under the project BaltCICA, however, a small regional strategy has been developed for the region of Salacgriva. Furthermore, adaptation is being implemented in some broader initiatives. For example, on the national level the national strategy for spatial development of the coastal area takes adaptation into account. The expected climate impacts on the Latvian waters were identified through the national research programme KALME. Moreover the City of Riga is implementing an integrated strategy to adapt the city to the changes in hydrological processes, a project co-funded by the European LIFE+ Programme. In 2008, the Latvian government presented a first report on climate adaptation, which will serve as a basis for developing a national adaptation strategy. This was planned for the year 2011 to be managed by the Department of Climate and Renewable Energies within the Latvian Ministry of Environmental Protection and Regional
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A German view on the Baltic Sea region

A German view on the Baltic Sea region

Terms of use: Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your personal and scholarly purposes. You are not to copy documents for public or commercial purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public.

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Geopolitical and geo-economic changes in the Baltic Sea region at the turn of the XX-XXI centuries

Geopolitical and geo-economic changes in the Baltic Sea region at the turn of the XX-XXI centuries

litical, economic, and military potential of individual countries and groups of coun- tries. Ranking the selected countries and grouping them according to the similarity of their characteristics requires a variety of methods — economic, statistical, carto- graphic, graphic-analytical, to name just a few. In the late 1980s — early 1990s, there were three socialist countries in the Baltic Sea region. They were signatories of the Warsaw Pact and members of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (the Sovi- et Union, Poland, and East Germany). The Baltic Sea region housed four market economies (Sweden, Finland, Denmark, and Germany). Only two of them were members of NATO and the EU (Germany and Denmark). At present, there are eight EU countries in the region; six of them are NATO members (Germany, Sweden, Den- mark, Poland, Lithuania, Latvia and Esto- nia), and the same two countries, Sweden and Finland, remain outside the bloc. Rus- sia, the legal successor of the USSR, is nei- ther a NATO, nor an EU member. The au- thors explore similarities and differences between countries of the Baltic Sea region in terms of their territory, population, GDP, foreign trade turnover and the num- ber of regular armed forces. The article stresses the importance of international cooperation in increasing the growth rates of economic development of all countries of the Baltic Sea region.
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Governance beyond the nation-state: transnationalization and Europeanization of the Baltic Sea Region

Governance beyond the nation-state: transnationalization and Europeanization of the Baltic Sea Region

The influence of states and civil society in the Baltic 21 process is not evenly balanced. Nation-state representatives hold the most influential posts and, inten- tionally or not, secure their influence by contributing most of the funding. This could be for practical reasons (e.g., capacity and legitimacy); nevertheless, it pre- vents other sub-national or civil society stakeholders from gaining more influence. Furthermore, the present leadership is dominated by a small number of older EU member states. Given that Baltic 21 claims to be an all-inclusive process, giving equal status to all participants, it must overcome this bias in order to become as democratic and open as stated in its Agenda. The 2003 Baltic 21 report also addresses these issues and draws some substantial conclusions. It demands the general revision of Baltic 21’s mandate, visions, and indicators. The report acknowledges the inherent conflict of objectives between economic development and environmental goals, and identifies greater involvement in European and international sustainability processes as a solution. 28 A new strategy for the Baltic 21 process was proposed in spring 2004, with the vision to pursue sustainable development in the Baltic Sea Region by regional multi-stakeholder cooperation. Moreover, this proposal emphasizes the strengthening of cross-sectoral work and the development of a selected set of “Lighthouse Projects” which are designed to ensure high visibility and engage as many participating countries and sectors as possible in proving the added value of sustainable development (Baltic 21 Newsletter 1/2004, p. 5; Baltic 21 press release 6 April 2004).
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The key security challenge in the Baltic Sea Region is the lack of trust

The key security challenge in the Baltic Sea Region is the lack of trust

2 There is hardly any reason to lay the blame on this occasion. It seems obvious that both sides of the fence can make a convincing case that will support their arguments. Yet the fact of the matter is that the dividing lines in the North have not been erased. On the contrary, they seem to be resurfacing and deepening again. This is worrisome as they have the potential to undermine, and with time also undo, the emergence of a budding security community also in the North.

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EU strategy for the Baltic Sea region: challenges and perspectives of international cooperation

EU strategy for the Baltic Sea region: challenges and perspectives of international cooperation

Most stakeholders welcome the idea of making the Northern Dimension (ND) an external foundation of the EUSBSR. At the same time, German and Danish governments, stressing the intention to involve Russian into regional cooperation, avoid providing direct support for using the ND to this extent. Only the Baltic Institute of Finland consider the ND as unsuitable for the Russian dimension of the EU policy in the Baltic Sea region, since it is inca- pable of covering the whole range of cooperation problems in the Baltic Sea [10]. In effect, the ND comprises two types of partnership — in environ- mental protection and healthcare. Today, partnerships in transport and logis- tics are being forged [1]. Cooperation with Russia and other third countries takes place either in the framework of such organisations as the Council of Baltic Sea States and HELCOM or beyond institutional frameworks, as it is the case with the European maritime policy. In the course of consultations, all stakeholders except for the Estonian government identified one or several cooperation priorities, where they deem Russian participation desirable or necessary [15, р. 87]. All these proposals pertain to 37 different problems suggesting Russian participation. These problems fall into all of the four pil- lars of the Strategy. This gives rise to a question as to how the gap between the desired and actual levels of the Baltic cooperation between the EU and Russia can be bridged. Although most documents avoid these issues, Euro- pean analysts discuss the following approaches.
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Innovations in the Baltic Sea region and network cooperation between Russia and the EU

Innovations in the Baltic Sea region and network cooperation between Russia and the EU

yielded any tangible results. The number of people involved in academic research and R&D still decreases, although more slowly than in the 1990s (1532.6 thousand employees in 1992, 887.7 thousand in 2000, 736.5 thou- sand in 2010 [19]). However, even today this number is 1.5 times as high as in Germany (485 thousand people), which ranks second among the Baltic Sea region countries. However, Russia’s R&D expenditure ($ 32.6 bln) in 2010 was 2.6 as little as that of Germany ($ 86 bln) [19]. The other countries of the Baltic Sea region cannot be compared either to Germany or Russia in terms of absolute innovation potential indices: the eight countries account for 359 thousand people employed within R&D and $ 40.5 bln of correspon- ding expenditure. In terms of relevant indices Russia is comparable only to the post-Socialist countries of the macroregion and lags badly behind Ger- many and the Nordic countries (table 1).
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An Assessment of the Economic Performance of the EU Baltic Region States

An Assessment of the Economic Performance of the EU Baltic Region States

It was in the 1990s that the East European countries became more oriented towards establishing active economic contacts with the better developed West European countries. They initiated the process of acces- sion to the EU, which involved harmonization of legislation and other regulations with the EU standards. Accession to the EU has had a pro- found effect on their economies. It would be wrong to assume that the enlargement of the EU to the Russian borders has not influenced the eco- nomic development of Russia’s border regions, which started participat- ing in the EU programmes such as INTERREG, CBC and others. It is therefore expedient to assess how the establishment of the common eco- nomic space has influenced the economy of the Russian Baltic Sea region (BSR). An important remark concerning the territories we include in the Baltic Sea region is that this study covers the eight above-listed EU coun- tries, while the Russian BSR includes only three administrative regions (St. Petersburg, Leningrad and Kaliningrad Regions) that border on the Baltic Sea, although some other studies included five administrative re- gions in this group [28].
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Economic Developments in the Wider Black Sea Region

Economic Developments in the Wider Black Sea Region

In Georgia and Armenia, in contrast, recent economic growth has been due primarily to rising domestic demand, financed largely by loans and transfers from abroad. These transfers have come from the wealthy foreign diaspora (e.g. Armenian diaspora in the United States and France), were part of official assistance (particularly to Georgia by the EU and the United States), or represented remittances from Armenians and Georgians who left their countries in search for better job opportunities, particularly in Russia. Georgia’s development has been also greatly affected by the radical liberal reforms implemented after the ‘Rose Revolution’ of 2004, including inter alia the introduc- tion of a flat personal income tax; a large-scale privatization program; reduction of arrears; and abolition of customs duties. The resulting improvement in the business climate led to a surge in private capital inflows, supplemented by foreign investment targeting the construction of two major pipelines: Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan (oil) and Baku-Tbilisi- Erzurum (gas). In Armenia, the key engine of growth has been the services sector, particularly construction, which benefited from both FDI and remittances and posted growth rates of some 30 percent over the last few years. In both countries, the massive inflows of foreign exchange induced currency appreciation and thus helped contain inflationary pressures. In addition, the appreciation has contributed decisively to the rising confidence in domestic currencies and hence to the de-dollarization process which, in turn, has fuelled further appre- ciation.
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The evolution of US political priorities in the Baltic sea region in the 2010s

The evolution of US political priorities in the Baltic sea region in the 2010s

Despite the growing incentives to strengthen security cooperation with the United States and NATO, Finland and Sweden still face serious obstacles to join- ing the North Atlantic Alliance. Finland, who has not given up the tradition of ‘privileged relations’ with Moscow even after joining the anti-Russian sanctions imposed after the Ukraine crisis, considers it counterproductive to let those rela- tions deteriorate, which, no doubt, will happen if Helsinki joins NATO without any provocation from the Russian side. Furthermore, as Konstantin Khudoley and Dmitry Lanko point out, there are fears in Finland that if the country joins NATO, it will be dragged into a war in remote regions for defending alien in- terests [35, p. 17]. Sweden has similar concerns. In addition, it seems that Swe- den, with its well-developed defense industry, is much less dependent on imports from the American military-industrial complex than Finland and does not want to increase this dependence, which will become inevitable if the country joins NATO. At the same time, in pressuring Russia on the Ukrainian issue or on the issue of the Russian military presence in the Baltic Sea and Northern Europe, in maintaining sanctions against Moscow, Stockholm can become an effective ally of Washington, making up for Britain’s withdrawal from the European Union in terms of influencing EU foreign policy [36, p. 383].
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Trans-European-networks and the development of transport in the Eastern Baltic Sea region

Trans-European-networks and the development of transport in the Eastern Baltic Sea region

contribution of public investment in infrastructure facility upgrading and augmenting to aggregate productivity growth) show that productivity growth triggered off by infrastructure investment was highest in less developed countries with underdeveloped transport networks. 9 But notwithstanding these general justifications of infrastructure policy in the east, some caveats are warranted: (i) Even in accessibility models, which seem to be exclusively related to infrastructure hardware, software improvements, like transport market deregulation, may serve the same end of enhancing physical accessibility of countries or regions as the construction of costly additional infrastructure links does. Given the high costs of constructing infrastructure facilities, the software solutions may be often superior to additional hardware. In some sense this argument refers to the debate on the relative effectiveness of hard versus soft locational factors for economic development. (ii) It may be remembered that one (among a long list) of the objections raised against Aschauer’s findings of high rates of return of investment in road building was that empirical analyses often did not incorporate software solutions for a more rational utilization of existing capacities, like road pricing. Thus, hardware projects which are more visible (and according to considerations of political economy are more easily to „sell“ to voters) may lie in the center of a political agenda while creating the complementary software of user cost regimes and of a functioning framework for transport markets would even be more important but are often opposed by vested interests. Taking together the general justification of infrastructure policy for the east and the aforementioned caveats, one may contend that a substantial transport network upgrading workload, in particular for land-based infrastructure, is still warranted in the countries on the Eastern Baltic Rim in any case. This assessment will hold for the years to come at least with respect to land-based networks. However, the productivity of these hardware measures will be greatly enhanced by additional software development. This includes promoting (a) initiatives of including user-cost regimes and (b) the adjustment of transport market regimes of the Eastern applicants to meanwhile more liberal EU standards. Accordingly, the Polish motorway programme which widely is going to employ BOT schemes may, at least in principle, account for the need of including pricing schemes, though it can be heavily criticized because of its current concrete design and of improper legal provisions. 10
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Transport in the Baltic Sea region: Perspectives for the economies in transition

Transport in the Baltic Sea region: Perspectives for the economies in transition

Terms of use: Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your personal and scholarly purposes. You are not to copy documents for public or commercial purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public.

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