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Costs and benefits of immigration and multicultural interaction

Costs and benefits of immigration and multicultural interaction

Abstract This paper studies how the existence of a minority culture influences the well-being of the native population and its attitude towards immigrants. In this context, I as- sume that multicultural interaction can be advantageous for immigrants and natives if intercultural obstacles and communication problems are abolished. It is found that certain shares of the immigrant as well as of the native population have incentives to acquire knowledge of the respective other culture since it enables them to interact with each other. I find that immigrants are more likely to acquire knowledge of the domestic culture than vice versa what I attribute to differences in the respective population size, assortative matching behavior and potentially asymmetric learning costs. The model further predicts that natives who have sufficiently low costs of learning the foreign cul- ture are willing to vote for free migration whereas those who have higher learning costs will be in favor of immigration restrictions.
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Costs and benefits of immigration and multicultural interaction

Costs and benefits of immigration and multicultural interaction

Abstract This paper studies how the existence of a minority culture influences the well-being of the native population and its attitude towards immigrants. In this context, I as- sume that multicultural interaction can be advantageous for immigrants and natives if intercultural obstacles and communication problems are abolished. It is found that certain shares of the immigrant as well as of the native population have incentives to acquire knowledge of the respective other culture since it enables them to interact with each other. I find that immigrants are more likely to acquire knowledge of the domestic culture than vice versa what I attribute to differences in the respective population size, assortative matching behavior and potentially asymmetric learning costs. The model further predicts that natives who have sufficiently low costs of learning the foreign cul- ture are willing to vote for free migration whereas those who have higher learning costs will be in favor of immigration restrictions.
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The Indirect Fiscal Benefits of Low-Skilled Immigration

The Indirect Fiscal Benefits of Low-Skilled Immigration

Combining our empirical quantification of the U.S. tax system with our closed-form so- lutions for the indirect fiscal effect, we find that the indirect fiscal effect of one low-skilled immigrant is between $770 and $1,470 per year if we consider a plausible range for the elastic- ity of substitution between high and low-skilled labor (Card, 2009). We set these numbers into relation to the direct fiscal effects as reported by the National Academy of Sciences (2017). We calculate an annualized direct fiscal cost associated with low-skilled immigrants under a number of scenarios which vary the marginal cost of public goods and the education of the immigrant. In almost all cases, the direct fiscal effect is negative and of a similar magnitude to the indirect fiscal effects we calculated. In some of the scenarios we consider, accounting for the indirect fiscal costs of immigrant turns the total fiscal effect from a fiscal burden to a fiscal surplus. While this result of ‘turning the sign’ does not hold for all scenarios, this clearly shows that the indirect fiscal effect of low-skilled immigration can be of the same order of magnitude as the direct fiscal effect and of the opposite sign.
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Environmental (In)Justice in Namibia : Costs and benefits of community-based water and wildlife management

Environmental (In)Justice in Namibia : Costs and benefits of community-based water and wildlife management

Regarding the second question, distributive environmental justice is concerned with the actors to whom environmental benefits and costs are distributed. That is, who receives the benefits or costs, such as to form the justice community (Walker 2012). As mentioned earlier, the justice community can be constituted following different principles, but I find that the principle of all-subjected, suggested by Fraser (2007a), presents a broader analysis of actors within prevailing institutions of environmental governance. Boundaries of institutions governing people’s interaction with one another within and across communities and their relations to the environment, are often pervious and malleable leading to a great deal of overlap. For example, in CBNRM, users of the resources in question may include both members and non-members of the governance institution. Hence, non-members are excluded within the official CBNRM governance institutions, but in reality, they remain subjected to its effects. By considering the quest of all actors who are affected by governance institutions, the analysis pierces the limits for exclusion around belonging, whilst taking cognisance of the relationships within and across scales. In doing so, an analysis of distributive environmental justice will focus on the multiplexity of actors who occupy different scales such as: local (community level), national and international scales whose boundaries overlap (Schlosberg 2007). That is, some actors are able to oscillate across scales, for example, international environmental organisations whose influence traverses global to local spheres of claim making. But even within the local scale, actors are differentiated into social groups shaped by prevailing hierarchies, social strata and cultural identities so that we have clans, kin, ethnicities; socioeconomic categories such as wealth ranks and different land use practices (Adhikari and Lovett 2006; Varughese and Ostrom 2001; Vedeld 2000). At the same time, the differentiated actors are also connected through different institutional ties in multiple and complex manner, reproducing power asymmetries (Latour 1996, 2005; Munro 2009; Schnegg 2016b; Schnegg and Linke 2015).
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The impact of welfare benefits on natives' and immigrants' attitudes towards immigration

The impact of welfare benefits on natives' and immigrants' attitudes towards immigration

The results indicate that natives with higher incomes have a significantly higher probability of being in favour of immigration than lower income groups. In addition the interaction term of high-income groups with the benefit take-up differences indicates that higher income groups are more likely to be opposed to immigration in countries with a generous welfare system than low-income groups. This effect is, however, statistically insignificant for instrumented and un- instrumented probit regressions and for the instrumented ordered probit specification (in table A2 in the appendix). It is slightly statistically significant for the uninstrumented ordered probit specification. 10 Evidence for the tax adjustment model is therefore only weak. This finding is corroborated in specifications in which educational attainment of natives is used as a proxy for income and is interacted with differences in benefit take-up. Here, interaction terms are insig- nificant both in the probit and the ordered probit specification irrespective of whether benefit differences are instrumented or not. For older natives the increase in anti-immigration attitudes with increasing differences in benefit take-up is significantly stronger than for younger ones. This result may indicate that older people fear a reduction of old-age related benefits because of the high benefit dependence of immigrants. Coefficients for immigrants, by contrast, remain insig- nificant in both the instrumented and uninstrumented probit and ordered probit results. This applies to the effect of income on immigrants’ attitudes towards immigration as well as to all level and interaction terms with benefits considered. This reconfirms that neither the labour market nor the social security channel are particularly important in determining immigrants’ attitudes towards immigration.
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Between antagonism and mutualism: costs and benefits in a nursery pollination system

Between antagonism and mutualism: costs and benefits in a nursery pollination system

Previous works have explored the role of third parties in balancing the costs and benefits in nursery pollination systems. Elzinga et al. (2003) studied parasitism of H. bicruris larvae by the koinobiont endoparasitoid Microplitis tristis and its effect on larval feeding behaviour. Parasitism resulted in lower food consumption of the herbivore and the authors suggested this could positively impact S. latifolia populations, although it was only tested on larvae feeding on artificial diet. Various other studies suggest that high rates of parasitism of H. bicruris in the field could decrease the seed damage caused by the larvae, and in such cases the benefits obtained through the adult moth pollinators might counteract the costs of seed predation by the offspring (Biere et al. 2002). Later Elzinga et al. (2005) and Elzinga et al. (2007b) dismissed this idea as in the field the highest incidence rates corresponded to koinobiont parasitoid species (such as M. tristis ), which do not arrest host growth or seed predation post parasitism. However, in this study we have a different scenario, as B. variator is an idiobiont ectoparasitoid commonly found in the field populations we sampled, which does indeed prevent its host larva from developing and feeding any further, and also by following a clear quantitative approach. Crabb and Pellmyr (2006) showed how a braconid parasitoid wasp could affect seed predation of yucca moth offspring, increasing the production of yucca seeds and reducing the costs of pollination. The already mentioned study by Nunes et al. (2018) showed that parasitoids could rescue part of the fruits of the orchid host plant Dichaea cogniauxiana from predation by the weevil larvae, changing the cost/benefit ratio of the host plant and pollinator/herbivore interaction to a positive one. As previously mentioned, the S. latifolia–H. bicruris system has been referred to as an antagonistic interaction in the literature due to the extent of seed predation caused by H. bicruris larvae, which often impose larger costs than those benefits granted through pollination by adult individuals. In line with these studies, our results show that parasitism by B. variator could act as a regulator in the S. latifolia–H. bicruris system, reducing the costs imposed by larval feeding and controlling pollinator/seed predator populations, therefore possibly acting as a stabilising mechanism of the interaction across evolutionary time.
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The indirect fiscal benefits of low-skilled immigration

The indirect fiscal benefits of low-skilled immigration

Other Indirect Effects Immigrants may have indirect fiscal effects on top of those de- scribed in this paper. We have focused on a single consumption good and therefore abstracted from how immigrants may affect tax revenue by changing relative consumption prices. For example, it has been shown that low-skilled immigration lowers prices for low-skilled services such as gardening or housekeeping (Cortes, 2008). Such effects would only matter if the goods or services whose relative prices increase is taxed at a different rate then the goods for which the relative prices decrease. An effect that probably matters more is the interaction between the prices for these services and native labor supply. Cortes and Tessada (2011) show that high-skilled female native labor supply increased due low-skilled immigration and, consistently with that, these women have reduced their time spent on household work. Additionally, im- migration may increase local housing prices and rents (Saiz, 2003, 2007) and therefore lead to additional fiscal effects arising from property taxes and taxes on rental income.
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Costs and benefits of EU enlargement

Costs and benefits of EU enlargement

Effects on Employment The topic “opening up the labour market for the acceding states” has negative connotations for the German public. Economic experts have almost unani- mously advised against restrictive transition periods for immigration. The reason is that, all in all, immigra- tion is benefi cial. The German government has nev- ertheless decided to request a seven year transition period, principally to prevent a possible abrupt rise in immigration, for example as a result of a slump in economic performance – thus more as a safety net in particularly diffi cult circumstances. After all, the rate of unemployment in Poland is almost twice that in Ger- many. If qualifi ed immigrants take up posts that would otherwise remain vacant, income and employment will rise in Germany: welfare will increase and higher tax revenues will be generated. If, however, unemploy- ment tends to rise as a result of immigration, these positive effects will not occur. This may be the case if work-seeking immigrants fail to fi nd employment or if they replace indigenous employees. In reality both ef- fects will be found at the same time.
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The economics of enhancing accessibility estimating the benefits and costs of participation

The economics of enhancing accessibility estimating the benefits and costs of participation

disability as ‘arising from the interaction of a person’s functional status with the physical, cultural, and policy environments.’ Many countries now use the ‘Washington Group Short Set’ questions to produce internationally comparable data about disability and its variation within a population. These questions include for example ‘Do you have difficulty seeing, even if wearing glasses?’ and ‘Do you have difficulty walking or climbing steps?’ (Madans, Loeb & Altman, 2011; Washington Group on Disability Statistics, 2009). Frye (2012) states that Census data such as the Washington Group Short Set responses are often too broad to be useful as a driver of policy change, and in any case there is too much lag between data collection and its publication for it to be a political lever. In some countries (including New Zealand), these data about disability are not disaggregated to anything less than national or regional level. Importantly, for this paper, lacking low-level spatial data about people and their diverse abilities means that local authorities who make transport investment decisions have no data at all about differences within their population; they cannot invest in accessibility improvements that would benefit particular groups with any confidence that the investment in that particular location is justified according to relative need.
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The costs and benefits of European immigration

The costs and benefits of European immigration

from the new EU Members States, while opening their labour markets to them without transitional delay. The European experience with immigrants’ contribution to the public coffer is mixed. In a number of countries such as Austria, Belgium, Denmark, France, the Netherlands and Switzerland immigrants are apparently more de- pendent on the welfare system than the native population. However, in seve- ral other countries such as Germany, Greece, Portugal, Spain and UK the im- migrants contribute similarly or even more to the treasury compared to natives (IOM, 2005). A Home Office study shows that immigrants make a positive net contribution to the UK economy (Gott and Johnston, 2002). It estimates that in 1999/2000 immigrants in the UK paid US$ 4 billion more in taxes than they received in benefits. Furthermore, if intergenerational considerations are tak- en into account, the transfers made by immigrants may be higher since the second generation immigrants, i.e. children of immigrants, are likely to be net tax payers. Similar results were presented by an ILO study. Moreover, the study suggests that in the absence of the immigrants’ contribution either public service would have to be reduced, fees increased or taxes raised (ILO, 2004). Germany has had very large immigrant inflows including ethnic Ger- mans from Central Europe and CIS countries, labour migrants, asylum seekers and family members joining spouses or parents already living there. Germany also has a progressive tax structure and rather generous welfare provisions. Thus, the immigrant fiscal transfers ultimately depend on immigrant em- ployment opportunities, in the case of rigid labour markets (Bevelander, 2000). Simon and Akbari (2000) examined the German immigrant public finance transfers under optimistic and pessimistic sets of assumptions, with the usual limitation concerning the omission of some public goods (defence, for- eign policy, and infrastructure). They found out that around 1990, Germany’s foreign-born were net contributors under either set of assumptions used. Similar results were obtained by an ILO study covering a more recent period. This study stressed that 78% of immigrants in Germany are of working age and thus, an average immigrant makes a positive net contribution up to some EUR 50.000 over his/her lifetime (ILO, 2004).
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Benefits and costs of automation support

Benefits and costs of automation support

In those studies higher-stage automation was realised as stage 3 automation (decision support). The current experiment implemented automation that not only resumed decision-making but also the action implementation component of the monitoring task (stage 4). This difference could be crucial for operators perceiving their role and accountability in interaction with automation. When a task is completely automated, the operator’s role is that of a supervisor, i.e. he has to monitor the proper functioning of the automation and ensure that everything is as expected. The human operator as a supervisor is accountable for the overall task. In contrast to that, the role definition of an operator in interaction with stage 3 automation might not be that clear-cut. Whereas the human operator is taken out-of-the-loop from cognitive processes of a task, he is still responsible for the implementation of an action that was supposed by automation. Therefore, an operator who is still in charge of action implementation may define his role more or less limited to this subtask instead of feeling responsible for the entire task. These differently perceived role images might explain the deviant findings between prior research and the current results. Based on the foregoing reasoning it seems plausible that operators supported by stage 3 automation stay mainly focussed on executing what the automation recommends. This might reduce their probability to detect an automation’s malfunction and make them more prone to adverse performance effects resulting from unreliability of automation. This fits to the findings of previous research. In contrast, operators who are supported by automation that resumes the complete task, as in the current experiment, are focussed on monitoring the automation’s proper functioning, and therefore should be able to compensate for it at least partially if a malfunction occurs. This role perception as a supervisor of automation therefore resulted in comparable attention allocation strategies to the IA-supported group which had to allocate attention to the automation-supported task because those participants were still accountable for the concrete task fulfilment. Therefore, although the role images behind the expressed behaviour of IA- and DA-supported groups might differ, both role perceptions resulted in the same behavioural outcome.
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Interaction of emigration and immigration with foreign direct investment, international trade and remittances

Interaction of emigration and immigration with foreign direct investment, international trade and remittances

Likewise, the theory of cumulative causality shows different stages of the migratory waves, and several causes are exposed: 1) One of these causes is the growing disparity in living standards between returnees and non-migrants, which is once again contributing to the re-emigration of returnees. 2) Another cause is the decrease in the demand for rural land due to the excessive purchase of land, mainly by emigrants. In addition, the land that migrants buy is rarely cultivated by themselves and is treated rather as a capital investment or rented to professional farmers, which often leads to increased competition in the agricultural labour force through intensified agricultural operations. As a result, smallholders turn away in search of additional sources of income because they can no longer compete (Massey et al. 1993). 3) The third cause is the desire to maintain a higher standard of living for returnees, which further encourages them to emigrate again. 4) And the fourth cause is the development of networks that facilitate emigration even in the case of less entrepreneurial people, who are initially unwilling to undertake migration and leave their places of residence. 5) The ultimate explanation for emigration is the stigmatization of some commercial activities in receiving countries, which induces employers to seek workers in other countries (Massey et al. 1993).
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Cultural misunderstanding in translation: multicultural coexistence and multicultural conceptions of world literature

Cultural misunderstanding in translation: multicultural coexistence and multicultural conceptions of world literature

A new perspective of this kind also demands the emancipation (beyond a mere extension of the canon) of new literatures (literatures of minorities, of migrants, of resistance etc.) as well as the development of new literary modes and genres beyond the Western conception of literary autonomy. For instance, there are genres alternative to the European novel such as documentary fiction or narratives of magic realism, as has developed mainly in syncretistic cultures. A good example of such non-European genres is the Latin-American testimonio, where - unlike the subjectivity in the European Bildungsroman - the individual self-portrayal is rooted in ethnographic histories, or, respectively, the collective community of a local society. 24 In non-European literature a reassessment of the oral can be noticed, too, which is to be seen in the predominance of the speaking subject, the inclusion of anecdotes, proverbs, village stories etc. 25 Again, what is most important is that "Third-World literatures" develop ways of expressing their resistance against Western "translatedness" although, paradoxically, this is most often based on translation into European languages. But even these literatures, though they do not claim to be world literature and emphasize, in a political context, regionalization against universalization, are subject to the tendencies of world-wide integration and its media.
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Costs and Benefits of Financial Regulation – An Empirical Assessment for Insurance Companies

Costs and Benefits of Financial Regulation – An Empirical Assessment for Insurance Companies

Finally, the results show that Swiss insurers rate the perceived benefits of insurance regulation higher than their Austrian and German peers. Especially, when perceived costs and benefits are taken together into account Swiss insurers have a more positive view of regulation than Austrian and German insurers. Swiss insurers tend to be “balanced” in their perception and Austrian and German ones more “pessimistic”. We attribute this to two reasons. First, the preparation process for Solvency II in the insurance sector in the European Union creates uncertainty and may lead to more pessimistic views on regulation. Second, the Swiss regulatory framework might be better than the one in the European Union in general. 40 These findings should alert regulators in the European Union not to create competitive disadvantages for insures due to regulatory requirements. Furthermore, after the implementation of Solvency II it would be worthwhile to analyze if the difference in perception of benefits between Swiss and European insurers remains. Theoretically, Solvency II should further increase the benefits of regulation for the public and the policyholders in Europe. 41
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Identifying Costs and Benefits of Smart City Applications from End-users' Perspective

Identifying Costs and Benefits of Smart City Applications from End-users' Perspective

The study, among other objectives, aimed to identify perceived costs and benefits for end-users of several smart city applications. The orientation to end-users’ perspective was selected in response to research questions set in the first part of the paper, specifically intending to address the criticism and disregard of end-users in the stated context of developing information systems for citizens. For that purpose, a specific group of (future) users of smart city applications, was asked to generate all the costs and benefits they could make out, from their perspective. After careful analysis of the compiled list, a good number (98) of different costs and benefits was identified providing suitable insight into perceived costs and benefits for each of the selected smart city applications from end-users' perspective (addressing research question 1, in particular). Out of the 98 items, it was easy to demarcate the costs and benefits common for all four selected smart city applications (in response to research question 2). It is important to indicate that the respondents identified more common costs (16) than common benefits (12). It is the other way around for the costs and benefits characteristic for the smart city applications where the number of distinctive benefits (60) significantly outweighs the number of distinctive costs (10). From end- users’ perspective, the result is reasonable since the costs of using only one application are usually same or at least similar to using many, whereas the benefits of using different applications vary greatly depending on their main purpose. In understanding the end-users' point of view, it is important to note that they perceive a lot fewer costs than benefits.
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Costs and benefits of political and physical collaboration in the European Power Market

Costs and benefits of political and physical collaboration in the European Power Market

4.3. Regional abatement The European decarbonization pathways and related abatement cost are just depicting the uppermost level. An analysis at country-level is necessary to show who is actually bearing the burden of decarbonization. In Figure 6 we depict CO 2 emission intensity at country-level (see equation (E.4) in Appendix E). The first line presents 2015 values from EUREGEN and urbs. The middle line presents outcomes for the three narratives in 2050 for EUREGEN and the lower line the same for urbs. Note that emission intensities above 390 g/kWh are shown separately to allow for a better contrast in the 2050 maps. Starting with 2015 values, Europe is mainly divided into two groups of countries with high (black) and low (white) emission intensities. For example, Poland is the most emission-intensive country in Europe in 2015, whereas Norway, Sweden, France, and Switzerland have almost zero CO 2 emissions from power generation. The emission-intensive countries rely heavily on coal, lignite, and natural gas to meet electricity demand. The countries with clean power systems have either high hydro potential (e.g., Norway), rely heavily on nuclear power (e.g., France), or do both (e.g., Switzerland). However, the business model of nuclear power is under stress in the future according to the three narratives. Most countries consider nuclear power as not economically viable anymore, leading to a reduced usage of it until 2050. As a consequence, France experiences an increase of its emissions in all three narratives.
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Immigration and welfare state cash benefits: The Danish case

Immigration and welfare state cash benefits: The Danish case

and are means-tested. They are intended to be of limited duration, but are in principle (and in many cases in practice) of indefinite duration. In 1998 Parliament enacted the socalled Integration Law creating a new legal base concerning immigrants and refugees. Labor market integration is the main explicit objective to be achieved by a combined effort involving mandatory language courses, education, labor market programmes, and by creating a higher priority regarding the challenge in local communities through a change in the administrative responsibility towards municipalities, away from the state and county administrations. The background for the new law was the cyclical upswing beginning in 1994 which created a much better environment than in the years from the mid-1980s to the mid-1990s when big numbers of refugees and immigrants arrived in a setting of a deep recession of long duration. In 2002 new laws were enacted creating a more restrictive immigration policy regarding granting permission of residence to refugees and regarding tied movers, especially in relation to marriage among people younger than 25 years.
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Costs and Benefits of Political and Physical Collaboration in the European Power Market

Costs and Benefits of Political and Physical Collaboration in the European Power Market

The description of possible futures through the creation of scenarios is a for- malized way to make statements about possible future development paths using knowledge from the present and insights from the past. A fundamental distinction can be made between qualitative and quantitative scenarios. Qualitative scenarios, often also called narratives or storylines, are largely based on verbal descriptions of potential futures [e.g., 5]. Methods for developing such narratives are usually flexible in terms of the parameters they require, allowing to consider a range of different social, economical, technical, and environmental parameters. This way, softer and more diffuse concepts such as political stability, or environmental awareness can be included in the analysis. Computer-based quantitative scenarios, on the other hand, allow for numerical insight into the system under consideration. Alcamo [6] argues that quantitative approaches are more transparent than their qualitative counter- parts because their model assumptions are expressed as mathematical equations. Craig et al. [7] contrast this with the fact that, for energy forecasts, there are nec- essarily implicit assumptions about human behavior, including social, institutional and personal interactions, as well as human innovation.
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Reserve-Dependent Benefits and Costs in Life and Health Insurance Contracts

Reserve-Dependent Benefits and Costs in Life and Health Insurance Contracts

In order to calculate prospective and retrospective reserves, interest and transition intensity functions have to be chosen. Note that in the retrospective view the interest and transition intensity functions relate to the past and, thus, their realized values can be observed. This implies that the observed basis can be used as basis for the retrospective calculations. In the prospective view, however, interest and transition intensities relate to the future and therefore the prospective calculations are always performed with an assumed basis. Under this assumed basis, the values of retrospective and prospective reserves are equal provided premiums are determined by the equivalence principle (using the same basis). Let us mention that the International Association of Insurance Super- visors (IAIS) recommends that the liabilities of insurance companies should be evaluated on consistent bases, i.e. by means of an economic valuation that reflects the prospective future cash flows. In Europe, Solvency II determines that the best estimate of the provi- sion for future commitments must be measured based on current information and realistic predictions.
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Costs and benefits of differentiated integration: Lessons from the Schengen and Pruem laboratories

Costs and benefits of differentiated integration: Lessons from the Schengen and Pruem laboratories

Defining the Schengen club comprised two main steps and lasted five (!) years: the Saarbruecken accord, the BENELUX memorandum and the subsequent Schengen accord were about negative integration measures; the successive negotiations of the Schengen implementation convention (SIC) set up compensatory measures (of positive integration). The first part concerned the establishment of the club good free movement by abolishing checks at the common borders; the second was about the reduction of external costs caused by this measure. It is revealing that the first accords were essentially agreed upon by ministries of transport and governmental leaders, respectively, whereas SIC was nearly exclusively negotiated by staff of the ministries of interior. Baumann (2006; 2008), for example, interprets the SIC negotiations as a fight by the German law and order officials to re-conquer the agenda once the German chancellery decided to lift the border controls. This explains the heavily security biased nature of SIC and the extraordinarily strong role of officials from the German ministry of interior in defining the SIC agenda and the subsequent outcome of the negotiations. These dynamics also feed into our understanding of the experimentation of the club formation. Obviously, the German chancellor and the French president and their staff could not predict where the process of lifting the border controls would end if one thinks of the Schengen information system (SIS), the Schengen ministers committee, etc.
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