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Doing the Defendant's Laundry: Support Groups as Social Movement Organizations in Contemporary Japan

Doing the Defendant's Laundry: Support Groups as Social Movement Organizations in Contemporary Japan

There are, of course, many cases in Japan and elsewhere in which an out- side supporter becomes romantically involved with a prisoner and mar- ries him. The cases presented here differ in that they manifest a political commitment rather than a romantic, emotional bond. They utilize the tra- ditional Japanese practice of adult adoption, which likewise is based on objective considerations of benefit rather than personal emotion. The adoptions are possible because legal records of births, marriages, adop- tions, and deaths in Japan are all combined in family records, and the legal status of individuals is transferred into and out of specific family records maintained by local governments. Thus, the primary requirement for a le- gal adoption is the cooperation of the head of the family into which the in- dividual’s record is to be transferred, rather than the approval of a court. It is also noteworthy that, while all four of these cases involve to some ex- tent the presence of elderly parents who cannot, or will not, provide suffi- cient support to an imprisoned child, none of the adopted supporters has any obligation to provide family care for those elderly parents. The adop- tion arrangement is strictly for the purpose of enabling a social movement activist to provide support to the person in prison.
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Transnational Social Movement Unionism als Vitalisierungsstrategie und Chance für Gewerkschafterinnen? Das Beispiel des Bekleidungssektors Bangladeschs

Transnational Social Movement Unionism als Vitalisierungsstrategie und Chance für Gewerkschafterinnen? Das Beispiel des Bekleidungssektors Bangladeschs

der seiner Ansicht nach verkürzten nordamerikanischen Rezeption im Anschluss an Kim Moody sowie der Ausrichtung, die sich in der Tradition von Peter Watermans Konzeptua- lisierung verortet. Während erstere eine avantgardistische Rolle des Proletariats vorsieht, versteht letztere die neuen sozialen Bewegungen und die ArbeiterInnenbewegung als gleichberechtigt. Die Adaption von Moody (1997) von SMU beraubt den Ansatz folglich seines kritischen Impetus, in dem abermals eine Hierarchie zwischen den verschiedenen Bewegungen hergestellt wird. Demgegenüber knüpft mein Verständnis von SMU an Water- man an, jedoch verwende ich dennoch im Folgenden die Bezeichnung Transnational Social Movement Unionism (TSMU) statt den durch Waterman zuletzt verwendeten Begriff des NISU (New International Social Unionism) (vgl. Waterman, 2004). Zum einen, da die Be- zeichnung ‚transnational‘ meiner Perspektive nach sowohl die Distanz zu früheren Interna- tionalismen orthodox marxistischer Prägung deutlich macht, als auch die Wortpaarung von Transnational Social Movement den zivilgesellschaftlichen und bewegungsorientierten Fo- kus adäquater reflektiert. Zudem soll durch diese begriffliche Distanzierung deutlich wer- den, dass mein Verständnis von TSMU im Gegensatz zu Watermans weniger utopisch- visionären Charakter hat. Waterman, der im Jahr 2017 verstarb, verwehrte sich zuletzt ge- nerell gegenüber einer empirischen Verwendung von SMU und bezeichnete bloße Allian- zen zwischen Gewerkschaften und sozialen Bewegungen nicht als SMU, sondern imagi- nierte vielmehr deren Synthese (vgl. Waterman, 2004). Hiervon abweichend erkenne ich fruchtbare Allianzen zwischen diesen beiden Organisations- bzw. Bewegungsformen durchaus als SMU an. Kurzum: Ich verstehe TSMU als eine Mobilisierungsstrategie, die (transnationale) Allianzen zwischen Gewerkschaften und sozialen Bewegungen vorsieht. Die sozialen Bewegungen werden hierbei häufig in der institutionalisierten Form einer NGO repräsentiert. Das Ziel dieser Allianzen ist ein Prozess der Demokratisierung und (Re-) Vitalisierung von Gewerkschaften, der mit einer breiteren und nachhaltigeren Organisie- rung von Beschäftigten einhergeht.
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Making sense of Daesh in Afghanistan: a social movement perspective

Making sense of Daesh in Afghanistan: a social movement perspective

The key idea of political opportunity theorizing is that movements—or in our case different types of mobilization, i.e. for violent action, recruiting, com- mitment and resource aggregation—are shaped by a wider political environment or socio-political and cultural context. Accordingly, the openness or closed- ness of a formal political system (Martin, 2015, p. 41) or even global geopolitical constellations will influ- ence the choice of contention instrument (strategy) by a group or social movement. Moreover, the success of, for example, an ensuing mobilization for protest, violence or other actions will additionally depend on the group’s organizational capacity. For recognizing opportunities, effective communication plays a cru- cial role, thus, successful mobilization also depends on framing. As pull-factor behind social mobilization in movements, political opportunity structures are never static and vary over time. This allows dynamic patterns of emergence and (re-)definition of move- ments or other (revolutionary) collective action groups because new donors (resource mobilization) might appear after a change in political context, or different frames might become available. Thus, political opportunities affect the movement’s organizational structure because a group might perceive opportune conditions and decide to strengthen its efforts to mobilize material resources and upscale recruitment in line with a planned strategy for interest articulation, whether in the form of protest, terrorist acts or similar. In this regard, it is pertinent to note that even the perception of an opportunity may motivate collective action. Beck (2009) has pointed out that transnational terrorism and radical militancy are affected by specific changes in opportunity structures, such as the inno- vation of modular collective action and movement diffusion.
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Why isn't Google welcome in Kreuzberg? Social movement and the effects of Internet on urban space

Why isn't Google welcome in Kreuzberg? Social movement and the effects of Internet on urban space

Advances in information and communication technologies, e.g. the Internet, have driven a great transformation in the interactions between individuals and the urban environment. As the use of the Internet in cities becomes more intense and diverse, there is also a restructuring of urban space, which is experienced by groups in society in various ways, according to the specificity of each context. Accordingly, large Internet companies have emerged as new players in the processes of urbanization, either through partnerships with the public administration or through various services offered directly to urban residents. Once these corporations are key actors in the digitalization of urban services, their operations can affect the patterns of urban inequality and generate a series of new struggles over the production of space. Interested in analyzing this phenomena from the perspective of civil society, the present Master Thesis examined a social movement that prevented Google to settle a new startup campus in the district of Kreuzberg, in Berlin. By asking why Google was not welcome in that context, this study sought to understand how internet, as well as its main operators, has affected everyday life in the city. Thus, besides analyzing the movement, I investigated the particularities of the urban context where it arose and the elements that distinguish the mobilization’s opponent. In pursuit of an interdisciplinary approach, I analyzed and discussed the results of empirical research in dialogue with critical theories in the fields of urban studies and the Internet, with emphasis on Castells’ definitions of urban social movements and network society (1983, 2009, 2015), Couldry’s and Mejias’ (2019) idea of data colonialism, Lefèbvre’s (1991, 1996) concepts of abstract space and the right to the city, as well as Zuboff’s (2019) theory of surveillance capitalism. The case at hand has exposed that Google has a prominent role in the way the Internet has been developed and deployed in cities. From the perspective accessed, the current appropriation of Internet technologies has been detrimental to individual autonomy and has contributed to intensifying existing inequalities in Berlin.
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Transnational Social Movement Unionism als Vitalisierungsstrategie und Chance für Gewerkschafterinnen? Das Beispiel des Bekleidungssektors Bangladeschs

Transnational Social Movement Unionism als Vitalisierungsstrategie und Chance für Gewerkschafterinnen? Das Beispiel des Bekleidungssektors Bangladeschs

Der Beitrag analysiert die Chancen und Grenzen eines transnationalen Social Movement Unionism (SMU) im Kontext des Bekleidungssektors Bangladeschs. SMU galt in Bangladesch insbesondere auf- grund des Prozesses der Depolitisierung zivilgesellschaftlicher Organisationen im Anschluss an die Aid- Dependency des Landes als kaum realisierbar. Unberücksichtigt blieb hierbei aber weitestgehend die Rolle der Kategorie Geschlecht. Vor dem Hintergrund meines empirischen Materials, das zwischen 2010 und 2015 in Form von Interviews mit Angehörigen von Gewerkschaften und Labour-NGOs erhoben wurde, argumentiere ich, dass erste Ansätze von SMU erkennbar sind. Darüber hinaus zeigt der Blick auf den Bekleidungssektor Bangladeschs, dass das Potenzial dieses Organisierungskonzeptes sich insbe- sondere mit Blick auf die Arbeiterinnen und Gewerkschafterinnen offenbart. Ferner wird anhand dieses empirischen Beispiels die transnationale Rahmung des Arbeitsrechtsaktivismus verdeutlicht, der sich vom SMU der 1980er Jahre deutlich unterscheidet und als wegweisende Perspektive zu grenzüberschrei- tender Kooperation dienen kann. Nichtsdestotrotz hinterfragt der Beitrag die Notwendigkeit einer geo- graphischen Lokalisierung des gegenwärtigen SMU und plädiert vielmehr für eine stärkere Berücksich- tigung gesellschaftlicher Strukturkategorien innerhalb der Labour Studies sowie für eine größere Wach- samkeit gegenüber Organisierungsformen jenseits des traditionellen gewerkschaftlichen Musters. Schlagwörter: Bangladesch, Bekleidungssektor, Social Movement Unionism, Gender
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The making of a social movement: citizen journalism in South Korea

The making of a social movement: citizen journalism in South Korea

These findings exemplify the broad innovative potential of social movements. Between 1999 and 2005, the emergence and development of citizen journalism was accompanied by large protest campaigns (Kern, 2005b). In the meantime, citizen journalism seems to be becoming increas- ingly institutionalized. The Internet newspapers close to the social move- ment sector have joined the Korean Internet Journalist Association, which protects the rights and interests of citizen journalists. Internet newspapers close to the commercial media market have organized the Korean Internet Newspaper Association. The government has also adjusted to the new movement by implementing a real name system and imposing severe punishments for ‘netizens’ who disseminate slander or wrong accusa- tions. Furthermore, political parties, the established mass media and big economic corporations have imitated the practices of citizen journalism in order to strengthen their influence on the public. These developments might explain why the wave of citizen journalism seems to have recently slowed down. However, citizen journalism still plays an important role in the social movement sector and it has considerably contributed to the consolidation of South Korean democracy.
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Workshop Report. First Workshop of the Working Group Stadt / Raum of the Institute for Social Movement Studies: What is the “Urban” in Urban Social Movements?

Workshop Report. First Workshop of the Working Group Stadt / Raum of the Institute for Social Movement Studies: What is the “Urban” in Urban Social Movements?

the complexities driving the various forms of urban resistance. The interdisciplinary and non-hierarchical structures within Arbeitskreis Stadt / Raum encourage the development and spread of innovative ideas and perspectives, thereby also diminishing disciplinary bias. Besides providing a platform to discuss individual research and to facilitate cooperation and exchange between members, the working group also provides expertise to the Institute for Social Movement Studies and it organises workshops on specific thematic questions. As its members are based in institutions from Marseille to Linz, Hamburg or Duisburg, the main communication channel used to facilitate exchange is a mailing list. The organisation of thematic workshops, where members present their doctoral and other research projects, allows for face-to-face interaction and exchange. Where a critical number of members concentrate locally such as in Berlin, a regular “jour fixe” has been established to discuss, rather informally, both local events of political or urban significance, and individuals’ ongoing projects. As of October 2016, Jenny Künkel, Weimar, and Raffael Beier, Bochum, act as moderators for the working group and function as contact persons.
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Migration and adult education: social movement learning and resistance in the UK

Migration and adult education: social movement learning and resistance in the UK

The article is based on research evidence and investigative journalism from 2009 to the summer of 2013, with structured and unstructured interviews with a large and varied assortment of migrants, (asylum seekers, refugees, undocumented and documented migrants from a wide variety of countries). The research also included structured interviews with workers and volunteers in voluntary organisations and campaign groups (some of which was reported in Crosthwaite & Grayson, 2009; Grayson, 2011). The research evidence and theoretical perspectives are part of a project of ‘activist research’ (Chowdry, 2012) on popular adult education, which emerges from within social movement practice. Conventional research data from secondary sources have an important place in the methodology, but are matched by primary sources—formal interviews, research conversations and active involvement in meetings, actions, and debates. This research is generated at present from my role as a researcher and adult educator in ‘evidence based campaigning’ with an asylum rights organisation based in Sheffield, SYMAAG [South Yorkshire Migration and Asylum Action Group].
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Scaling up alternatives to capitalism: A social movement approach to alternative organizing (in) the economy

Scaling up alternatives to capitalism: A social movement approach to alternative organizing (in) the economy

ances and are now an important target for social movement activism (see overviews by Briscoe and Gupta 2016; Giugni and Grasso 2019; King and Pearce 2010; Soule 2012). Social movements not only seek to disrupt capitalism through adversarial protest action but also engage in more constructive and in embodied forms of critique. They do so by participating in creating and living alternative forms of organizing economic relations at various levels of society. At the level of fields, they are involved in the rise of moral markets to which they contribute fundamental cultural and material resources (Bal- siger 2014; Lounsbury, Ventresca, and Hirsch 2003; McInerney 2014; Schiller-Merkens 2017; Schneiberg 2013; Weber, Heinze, and DeSoucey 2008). Social movements fur- ther engage in more localized prefigurative practices that reflect alternative forms of organizing production, exchange, and consumption at community and organizational level. Examplary communities include eco-villages, degrowth communities organized around alternative economic principles such as solidarity and self-sufficiency (Trainer 2012), alternative producer-consumer networks (Forno and Graziano 2019), and al- ternative organizations (Parker et al., 2014) such as post-growth organizations (Rätzer, Hartz, and Winkler 2017), worker-recovered/recuperated enterprises (“empresas recu- peradas,” Vieta 2020), and common good organizations (Felber 2015). In these com- munities and organizations, participants engage in prefigurative politics. The notion of politics here refers to the members’ collective attempt to bring about social change at various levels, while prefiguration relates to the experimentation with practices that “anticipate or enact some feature of an ‘alternative world’ in the present” (Yates 2015, 4). It refers to the reproduction of the values and relations actors aspire to in their everyday practices, whereby alternative ways of living in the present are created (Maeckelbergh 2011; Monticelli 2018; Reinecke 2018). It is through these changes in everyday practices that actors attempt to bring about broader societal change (Reinecke 2018). Scholars therefore also talk about prefigurative social movements, defined as “initiatives that are developing within capitalism and are striving to prefigure a post-capitalist society” (Monticelli 2018, 504). 5
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The Latin American Social Movement Repertoire: How It Has Changed, When, and Why

The Latin American Social Movement Repertoire: How It Has Changed, When, and Why

The Latin American social movement repertoire includes some movements that are unique to the region (and to developing countries in other regions of the world). How- ever, others resemble movements in the rich countries, currently and historically. The housing movements involving land invasions that proliferated, especially under import substitution, were unique to the developing world. In contrast, the protests against con- sumer price hikes are reminiscent of the bread riots of yesteryear in European countries, and labour strikes for better wages, work benefits, and work conditions build on labour’s long-established tradition of work-based protests since the industrial era in the rich countries. Nonetheless, in Latin America, as elsewhere, work protests have diminished, and not because worker satisfaction with their living conditions has increased. Rather, under neoliberalism capital is so mobile that workers throughout the world risk business relocating elsewhere if they are too demanding. Injustices and inequities remain amidst quiescence.
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Diffusion of a social movement: the example of the German local exchange systems

Diffusion of a social movement: the example of the German local exchange systems

through these information links. Besides linking visited regions to one another this mesolevel network also reduces the distances of the districts lying between these places visited by the entrepreneur. Thus the travel- ing activity tends to speed up the process of diffusion of a social movement in a twofold way (Hed- ström/Sandell/Stern 2000, p. 153ff). We expect that political entrepreneurs play a decisive role in the diffusion of local exchange schemes either as their strong ideological component requires purposeful agitation for attracting members and gaining societal support. However, we can not draw back on quantitative data to test this assumption. Neither we have information concerned with the point of time the agitation took place nor about the travel routes of the political entrepreneurs allowing the creation of a mesolevel network mapping the visited districts. Nevertheless, we have some hints indicating the importance of agitation for the diffusion of the exchange systems. Not only the spreading of the concept in the English speaking countries was primarily promoted by the travel activity and presentations of the first system’s founder Michael Linton but also the systems’ diffusion in Germany was pushed by agitation. Many exchange systems in the North of Bavaria were initiated as a response to agitation as well as the Munich exchange system and the following systems in nearby regions. 12 Besides these local initiatives supra-regional activities
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De-commodifying software? Open source software between business strategy and social movement

De-commodifying software? Open source software between business strategy and social movement

which was to guarantee that open source software could always be distributed freely. This “General Public License” (GPL) does not simply rule that products are free; it allows free distribution only on the condition that further develop- ments and applications are placed un- der the same licence. Anyone who re- leases software that incorporates GPL- licenced code is compelled to use the GPL in the new release. The point of the GPL thus is its “infective” character. It is a tricky construction, which uses the le- gal instruments of copyright to subvert intellectual property. Copyright gener- ally allows its holder to determine the conditions of the distribution and – up to a point – use of their products. Copy- left (“all rights reversed”) ties the prod- uct to the conditions of open use. This attempt to tie oneself and others to free- dom and creative variety represents the social movement side of open source/ free software, since it addresses ques- tions of social transformation in the di- rection of freedom, learning, use-value and intelligent and cooperative use of products. Institutions, especially institu- tions of intellectual property hindering creative appropriation and develop- ment, are challenged and transformed.
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"No to Khudoni hydro power plant!" Social movement in Georgia

"No to Khudoni hydro power plant!" Social movement in Georgia

The selection of the “No to Khudoni HPP!” social movement as the case study of this research, and structural functionalism as the theoretical framework, have several explanations. The resistance movement against the construction of the Khudoni HPP is the longest movement experienced in Georgia, which appeared in the Soviet period and continues until today. This movement was strongly influenced by the structural changes happening in the political systems such as Perestroika and Glasnost, the collapse of the Soviet Union, the “Rose Revolution,” and the change of government in 2012. The movement registered the participation of various actors from the public and political communities. On one side, there is an active engagement of the civil society, the broad involvement of the scientific community and a diversity of opinions, and on the other side, there is a higher public awareness about the issue. 2 While there are a few studies about environmental activism in Georgia, such as Lia Tsuladze’s et ali. Work, and several NGO policy papers, the scientific research of the social movement “No to Khudoni HPP” has not yet been carried out. 3
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Talking about the same but different? Understanding social movement and trade union cooperation through social movement and industrial relations theories

Talking about the same but different? Understanding social movement and trade union cooperation through social movement and industrial relations theories

It is important to underscore that there is a difference between class-consciousness and class-identity, as the latter is understood as the recognition of a role as an agent of class (Hyman, 2001), but this recognition is not politically conscious enough “to challenge a class-based society” (Anderson, 1977, p. 334). This is particularly relevant when discussing the role of trade unions. Workers may acknowledge that they need to cooperate with other workers to defend their interests against the interests of the employers, but this cooperation does not necessarily lead to a questioning of capitalist society and its mode of production as a whole (Hyman, 2001). Trade unions may, but do not necessarily have to, arise due to an emerging class-consciousness (Moore, 2011) and therefore reflect different positions vis-à- vis capitalism. Whether or not a union is likely to seek cooperation with social movements seems to be related to the role that class-identity plays in its ideological orientation. Hyman describes an “eternal triangle” (2001, p.3) of three ideological orientations within which all trade unions can be positioned: class opposition (where the union seeks to mobilize its membership to challenge the existing social and economic order); integrationist unionism (where the union conceives of itself as a social partner that accepts the broad constitution of society and a plurality of legitimate interests but seeks reform in the interest of its class); and business unionism (where the union defines its sphere of representation in the market) (Hyman, 2001). Frege et al. (2004) used Hyman’s (2001) distinction to explain the coopera- tion of trade unions with social movement organisations in different countries. They ob- served that trade unions with class opposition background tend to prefer militancy to coop- eration with capital and thus tend to build coalitions of protest with social movement organ- isations. Furthermore, integrationist unionism
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The German Disability Movement as a Transnational, Entangled New Social Movement

The German Disability Movement as a Transnational, Entangled New Social Movement

New Social Movement Abstract The article examines the Disability Movement in West Germany in the 1970s and 1980s. Therefore, disability activism in West Germany is considered with regard to new social movement research. Furthermore, the author asks for local, regional and national action-frames and addressees of the Disability Movements, based on the assumption that a movement of people personally affected by disabilities will address the national welfare policy or civil rights issues, which are bound to national legislation. The movement initially aimed at local everyday life barriers or national civil rights and societal discrimination. Thus, its action-frames and addressees were spatially bounded. However, following processes of differentiation and professionalisation in the early 1980s, the movement broadened its transnational alliances. One example considered are the attempts for the de-institutionalisation of care and the enabling of self-determined Personal Assistance, which took place in exchange with activists of the Independent Living Movement in the United States. The other example considered is the campaign of German disability activists to support a group of revolutionary people with disabilities in Nicaragua, which sets the movement into the context of new social movements and the alternative milieu with its specific political expression, habits and style.
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Talking about the same but different? Understanding social movement and trade union cooperation through social movement and industrial relations theories

Talking about the same but different? Understanding social movement and trade union cooperation through social movement and industrial relations theories

It is important to underscore that there is a difference between class-consciousness and class-identity, as the latter is understood as the recognition of a role as an agent of class (Hyman, 2001), but this recognition is not politically conscious enough “to challenge a class-based society” (Anderson, 1977, p. 334). This is particularly relevant when discussing the role of trade unions. Workers may acknowledge that they need to cooperate with other workers to defend their interests against the interests of the employers, but this cooperation does not necessarily lead to a questioning of capitalist society and its mode of production as a whole (Hyman, 2001). Trade unions may, but do not necessarily have to, arise due to an emerging class-consciousness (Moore, 2011) and therefore reflect different positions vis-à- vis capitalism. Whether or not a union is likely to seek cooperation with social movements seems to be related to the role that class-identity plays in its ideological orientation. Hyman describes an “eternal triangle” (2001, p.3) of three ideological orientations within which all trade unions can be positioned: class opposition (where the union seeks to mobilize its membership to challenge the existing social and economic order); integrationist unionism (where the union conceives of itself as a social partner that accepts the broad constitution of society and a plurality of legitimate interests but seeks reform in the interest of its class); and business unionism (where the union defines its sphere of representation in the market) (Hyman, 2001). Frege et al. (2004) used Hyman’s (2001) distinction to explain the coopera- tion of trade unions with social movement organisations in different countries. They ob- served that trade unions with class opposition background tend to prefer militancy to coop- eration with capital and thus tend to build coalitions of protest with social movement organ- isations. Furthermore, integrationist unionism
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Talking about the same but different? Understanding social movement and trade union cooperation through social movement and industrial relations theories

Talking about the same but different? Understanding social movement and trade union cooperation through social movement and industrial relations theories

leads to a strong tendency to build coalitions, particularly coalitions of influence, where alliance partners have multiple access points and opportunities to exert influence, while business unionism oriented trade unions tend not to cooperate with social movements at all (Frege et al., 2004, p. 13). In a recent study, Andre- ta, Bosi, & della Porta (2016) came to a similar conclusion on trade union and social movement cooperation in Italy. We consider the specification of the nature of organisations and their ideological positions as crucial for understanding which types of organisation tend to cooperate and which do not. Movement and trade union organisations might refrain from cooperating with each other, even if the organisations think that cooperation would increase their power or leverage, due to ideological differences or perception of the other as distinct or illegitimate. The interesting question is then, if and how such differences can be overcome through ‘cooperation work’, such as by reconstructing, aligning, or amplifying frames (Benford & Snow, 2000), developing more abstract master frames (Gerhards & Rucht, 1992) or collective identity work (e.g. “the enemy of the enemy is my friend” logic).
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Socializing Development: Transnational Social Movement Advocacy and the Human Rights Accountability of Multilateral Development Banks

Socializing Development: Transnational Social Movement Advocacy and the Human Rights Accountability of Multilateral Development Banks

- ington Consensus” (Setton, 2006). These policies attracted widespread opposition in many developing countries and to some extent in developed countries as well. By the 1990s, the World Bank faced mounting critique from academia and civil society that due to the adverse social impact of its SAPs. Studies showed the disastrous effects of SAPs on human rights and poverty alleviation (Abouharb & Cingranelli, 2006; Easterly, 2005). While the anticipated economic growth did not take place in most countries, the living-conditions of people of recipient countries worsened due to cuts in the so- cial welfare system. Even where overall economic growth could be observed, there was no “trickle-down” effect to less affluent people and social indicators worsened at the same time overall (Chossudovsky, 1999). Shifting away from the SAPs, the World Bank increasingly identified the lack of institutional capacity as the main obstacle to develop- ment and adopted an institutional-economic perspective on their interventions (Burki & Perry, 1998). Moreover, poverty reduction took center stage in the form of Poverty Reduction Support Credits. However, the official end of SAPs did not mean the end of conditionalities (Vetterlein, 2012).
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Too Abstract to Be Feasible? Applying the Grounded Theory Method in Social Movement Research

Too Abstract to Be Feasible? Applying the Grounded Theory Method in Social Movement Research

codes  remained  at  a  preliminary  stage  and  new  codes  were  still  in  the  making.  Hence,  the  coding process was characterized by the movement back and forth between interviews and  the elaboration of codes and categories at various levels of analysis.  The  second  predominant  task  of  coding  is  the  constant  comparison  of  categories,  con‐ cepts,  and  empirical  incidents.  This  is  mainly  done  using  axial  and  selective  coding.  Axial  coding aims to elaborate on the concepts and categories developed during open coding with  the  objective  of  establishing  the  relationships  between  them  (Kelle  2011:  241;  Mey/Mruck  2009: 117; von Oertzen 2006: 150–151). As the transition from open to axial coding is fluent,  the  researcher  can  return  to  open  coding  and  review  codes  and  categories  at  any  point  in  time (Mey/Mruck 2009: 129). In the Belo Monte study, open coding led to the development of  three broad categories entitled framing, identity, and movement dynamics that comprised a  large  number  of  lower‐level  concepts.  During  the  axial  coding  I  developed  these  concepts  and the relationships between them by constantly comparing the underlying empirical inci‐ dents. The analytical tools of posing questions and drawing comparisons led to the further  development  of  concepts  and  categories.  These  then  guided  the  theoretical  sampling  and  analysis of the next interview (Strauss 1998: 42). To advance the theoretical integration of the  interpretive work – the main purpose of selective coding – I then focused my attention on a  limited number of core categories. Selective coding comprises the identification of a core cate‐ gory 19  and  the  elaboration  of  its  relationships  with  all  other  categories  through  constant  comparison  (Corbin/Strauss  2008:  XX;  Kuckartz  2010:  77).  Its  connection  with  all  the  other  categories  means  that  the  core  category  plays  a  central  role  in  integrating,  densifying,  and  saturating the theory. While the number of categories is reduced to a minimum in this pro‐ cess,  special  attention  is  paid  to  the  properties  and  dimensions  of  the  concepts  in  order  to  develop a parsimonious but far‐reaching theory (Strauss 1998: 66). 
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Radical democracy and left populism after the squares: ‘Social Movement’ (Ukraine), Podemos (Spain), and the question of organization

Radical democracy and left populism after the squares: ‘Social Movement’ (Ukraine), Podemos (Spain), and the question of organization

Eklundh 2016; Kioupkiolis 2018): for some, the likes of Occupy and the Indignados pointed to a non-representative logic of ‘horizontal assemblies’ (Hardt and Negri 2012; Sitrin and Azze[r]

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