Background and Purpose: Since the successive introduction of “learning field“ oriented curricula in Germany, teach- ing at vocational schools as part ofthe dual system has been based on concrete actions. The underlying curricula describe business-oriented learning fields. The translating of these learning fields into pedagogical learning situations is the responsibility ofthe vocational curriculum conferences at the individual vocational school level, whereby con-sid- erable leeway is afforded them in these activities. This means that, despite there being an identical curricular basis, it is possible for individual schools to apply heterogeneous content emphases within theeducation programmes for commercial vocations. This study examines the correlation between such heterogeneous content with regard to the subject of economics and the person characteristics ofthe relevant teachers.
In this paper we examine theeducation and occupation mismatch for Hispanics in the US using a novel objective continuous mismatch index and explore the role of immigrants’ social networks on this mismatch. We explore whether having a larger social network helps Hispanics in finding jobs that better match with their skill and education levels or whether living in areas with larger concentration of Hispanics leads to more competition for the same jobs in the labor market. Given that the legal status of immigrants influence how the social networks are leveraged and their impact on labor market outcomes, we focus on the citizenship status for Hispanics. The quality of match between Hispanic’s college degree major and occupation is measured using one ofthe continuous indices proposed in Rios-Avila and Saavedra-Caballero (2019) and calculated using pooled data for all college graduates in the US from 2010 to 2017. The Hispanic networks measures are constructed as the share of Hispanic population who are 25 years or older with respect to the total population ofthe same age and the second measure only includes Hispanics with at least a bachelor’s degree using the weighted pooled data from 2010 to 2015. We find that networks have a positive impact on the job-match quality, but mostly for Hispanic citizens and this effect is stronger when the networks constitutes of at least a college degree. This shows that Hispanic citizens living in higher concentration of Hispanic college graduates are better able to leverage their networks or their networks are better able to match them with jobs closer to their fieldof specialization and skill set.
bachelor’s degree by occupation is also included as control variable. Because these variables vary only across detailed fieldofeducation and detailed occupation, the model specifications are modified to include only the aggregated fieldofeducation and occupation fixed effects.
The estimations indicate that thefield-specific unemployment rate has a very strong relationship with working in a poorer-quality job match. A 1 percentage point increase in thefield-specific unemployment rate reduces the index of job match quality by up to 0.15 standard deviation (std) points based on , and 0.28 std points based on . This is not unexpected given that standard job search market models suggest that when unemployment is high and the likelihood of finding a good job match is low, people are more willing to work in occupations that are less related to thefieldof their expertise. Our results are in line with those of Wolbers (2003), who found for school-leavers in Europe that structural characteristics (such as unemployment) increase the likelihood of occupational mismatch, as well as those of Robert (2014), who, using data from graduates in post-communism economies, found that a precarious labor market position (such as unemployment) may increase the odds of vertical and horizontal mismatch.
2.3. Minorities in Public Sector Jobs in the Netherlands Since the 1980s, the Dutch government has imple- mented policies aimed at improving the labor market in- tegration of immigrants, particularly those from Turkey, Morocco and the former Dutch colonies Suriname and the Antilles (Doomernik, 1998). Even though these poli- cies have repeatedly changed since, some evidence sug- gests that certain policy measures have led to an increase in public sector employment among immigrants, espe- cially second-generation Turks and Moroccans (Groen- eveld, 2011; Tesser & Veenman, 1997). Employment in the public sector is often held to higher standards and tends to be subject to stricter procedures in filling vacant positions than employment in the private sector. This suggests that being employed by the government pro- tects to some extent from the ethnic disadvantage often experienced in the private sector. Field experiments sug- gest that public sector employers are often less likely to discriminate against minority applicants than private em- ployers (Zschirnt & Ruedin, 2016). However, the Dutch government’s efforts in improving ethnic minorities’ la- bor market position have also been heavily criticized for their ineffectiveness (Vasta, 2007). In line with this criti- cism, Groeneveld (2011) has shown that ethnic minori- ties are more likely to (voluntarily) leave public sector jobs than native Dutch, suggesting that they are less sat- isfied with their employment in the public sector than native Dutch.
In April 2002 the State Classificatory introduced a new occupation, ‘VET teacher (according to their training profile)’, which is a com- bination of a teacher of theoretical subjects and practical (industrial) training cycles. The tasks and responsibilities of VET teachers include providing vocational theoretical and practical training, retraining stu- dents (trainees), and ensuring the implementation of regulations on the organization ofthe educational process, the curriculum, and vocational training programmes. VET teachers are personally responsible for creat- ing a safe learning environment in classrooms, laboratories, and work- shops. VET teachers also provide instruction and individual counselling of students (trainees), prepare workplaces, and provide students with instruments, consumables, and supplies. In the period of apprenticeship and industrial practice, VET teachers select jobs and accompany students (trainees) to workstations according to schedules, curricula, and pro- grammes. VET teachers select bases of apprenticeship and create draft agreements with enterprises. They also provide students (trainees) with training for their final qualification examinations and help to conduct the examinations. VET teachers monitor performance, attendance, and execution of internal regulations and behaviours. Furthermore, they manage educational activities with students (trainees). VET teachers plan and supervise training work, write reports, and support coopera- tion with the state employment service and employers on the issues of graduates’ employment. They also ensure that students adhere to the internal regulations ofthe institution. VET teachers develop and improve the organization of educational work with students (trainees), imple- ment practical recommendations for pedagogical science and innova- tive professional training technologies, including module training. They also monitor the educational process, questioning students (trainees) to improve methods of professional training, examine individual charac- teristics of students (trainees) and take them into account during the educational process, and develop their occupational and educational competencies (Ministry ofEducation and Sciences of Ukraine, 2013).
than completely mismatched ones but less than those workers who are strongly matched to their jobs (Robst
2007 ; Nordin et al. 2010 ).
The empirical approach usually adopted to esti- mate the labor earnings consequences of mismatches between occupation and fieldof study among graduates is based on binary variables to represent their statuses as matched, weakly matched, or mismatched. However, this approach does not seem to be able to appropriately repre- sent disparities in the degree of similarity between occu- pations and fields of study. Even among workers classified as mismatched, there would be great heterogeneity in the way their occupations are related to their fields of study. A mismatched worker may have an occupation in which a substantial share ofthe skills acquired during tertiary education is still useful, whereas another mismatched worker who completed the same program may have an occupation that requires completely different skills
lot of potential to improve our understanding ofthe underlying causes of gender differences in occupations and how occupation and gender interact to affect gender wage gaps. Nonetheless, there is clear scope for future work to address the gaps in the current literature.
While gender differences in behavioral traits such as risk aversion and attitudes toward competition are quite well established in the laboratory and field, and have been shown to matter for labor market outcomes in some settings, more work needs to be done to assess the quantitative relevance of these factors for observed gender differences in occupational choice and wages. Studies that use observational data to link measured preferences, job attributes, and occupation and wage outcomes offer some promise in addressing this question. Nonetheless, such regression-based studies (including the descriptive analysis presented in Section 4.3) may be susceptible to issues relating to the endogeneity of preferences for certain job attributes. Moreover, to the extent that the share of women in an occupation might affect the workplace environment and measured occupational characteristics, there is a concern of reverse causality. Furthermore, it is challenging to attach a causal interpretation to the various behavioral/personality traits or occupational attributes included in this model, since there is a question about precisely what it is that these variables are capturing, and whether the observed relationships may be capturing omitted factors. Therefore, such evidence based on survey data may need to be combined with well-designed experiments in thefield and/or plausible sources of exogenous variation in order to credibly identify how gender differences in preferences and behavior shape labor market outcomes.
In the light ofthe still existent differences between autochthonous and migrant pupils in theeducation system as well as instances of xenophobia and discrimination in schools, the question must be raised as to which measures in the German education system are supposed to be there in order to combat this phenomenon. Closer examination reveals that, within theeducation system, there is a series of measures for migrant children in place in all the federal states. Here, particular mention should be made of special support classes and tuition as well as additional classes conducted in the children's mother tongue and Islamic religious education. However, the mostly exclusive nature of these special measures for children and young people with a migrant background is often criticised. There is also broad agreement that the measures for migrant children within theeducation system are by no means sufficient. It is thus all the more important that, within thefieldofeducation, a wide variety of (state and non-state) organisations, action groups and associations exist which tackle the topics of xenophobia, racism and anti-Semitism and, through various means of good practice, attempt to contribute to combating these phenomena. In order to simplify matters, the numerous measures against discrimination and xenophobia in schools can be divided into the following fields: measures in pre-school education, measures in schools (on the one hand, intercultural education and education towards tolerance and, on the other hand, special measures for pupils with a migrant background), measures to foster vocational training for young migrants as well as measures in thefieldof vocational training and further education for teachers. The target group for these measures is not only pupils with a migrant background, but also German pupils and apprentices, teachers and educators as well as, in part, the parents ofthe children and young people with a migrant background.
understands and integrates into their structure of consciousness. Content is an option that takes place in various forms through common action and shared communication. Content manifests itself when understanding (something) and when communicating (something); only then do people realise that what they are handling has certain content (Janík et al., 2013). From this point of view, the quality of teaching is based on the realisation of this potentiality; on the other hand, poor quality teaching means wasting this possibility, not devel- oping (in terms ofeducation) and not acquiring (in terms ofthe pupil) content. Educational content in art education is very diverse. It covers curriculum- based content, which usually includes practical expressive activities and artistic skills, and traditionally also comprises a knowledge of key artworks ofthe great styles: from artworks having mythological, religious and other narrative mes- sages, to artworks whose content is fluid, less clear, just like life itself, based on a dream, birth, life, death, doubt, human fate, the problem of good and evil, other- ness, disputes, harmony, and generally on the very basal ability of people to create and understand symbols and their natural tendency to transcend. (For exam- ple, the Czech curriculum sets out three general content units for art education within general education: the cultivation of sensory sensitivity, the application of subjectivity, and the verification of communication effects.)
space. Moreover, on the Danube in Eastern European countries, the structural change of economy, liberalisation ofthe transport market and the political crisis in the Balkan area have caused a dramatic fall of transported goods to less than one third ofthe volume carried in the ‘80s. Today, “only 10 percent of what can be transported on the Danube is now being shipped that way, this is nothing compared to the Rhine” said Ehrard Busek, chairman ofthe Institute for Danube Region and Central Europe in Vienna during a conference on the European Union Danube strategy in Mamaia, Romania, 2010. According to the latest figures available, 50 million tons of goods were transported on the Danube in 2007; by ways of comparison, more than 300 million tons of goods are shipped on the Rhine every year. Shipping goods on the Danube is very limited when the potential is enormous. In this context the question arises on the perspectives of European inland waterway transport in general and on the future of transport on the Danube in particular. This is why container shipping, roll-on/roll-off transport and the use of flexible multi-purpose vessels have to be extended. Technical adaptation and increase of capacity of port terminals, as well as coherent logistic chains are also prerequisite. As for infrastructure, the overhead clearance under bridges is of great importance whereas a maximisation ofthe navigation channel depth is no priority task. The improvements of waterway transport systems, faster updates as well as better and more precise forecasts of water levels have about the same effect as an increase in the channel depth of about 10 %. The main bottlenecks are not the draughts ofthe vessels but the overhead clearances of bridges. Today, new ship-building technologies as well as new information and communication systems offer the possibility of
all individuals in geographical labor markets, I compute a differential exposure for each occupation. Since this exposure varies by occupation even within state and industry, I can flexibly control for industry-by-state fixed effects and do not need to impose a Bartik-type structure.
On the theoretical side, I integrate the canonical DMP framework ofthe frictional labor market with the idea of multiple labor markets as in Lucas and Prescott (1974). In a similar fashion, Shimer (2007) and Kambourov and Manovskii (2009a) model mismatch as caused by frictional mobility across frictionless labor markets. Shimer and Alvarez (2011) develop a tractable version of this framework in which relocation costs time and hence raises unemployment. Carrillo-Tudela and Visschers (2014) nest the directed search of occupations with random search within each occupation. In their framework, occupations all produce a homogeneous good. I contribute to this literature in two ways. First, I contribute to this literature by integrating the notion of industries into the occupational framework in a tractable way. Second, each occupation produces a diversified good: there are decreasing returns to scale in each occupation. This implies that the thresholds at which individuals enter and leave occupations are no longer a function of productivity only, but a two- dimensional hyperplane. I suggest a solution method for this environment. In Pilossoph (2012) and Chodorow-Reich and Wieland (2019), taste shocks in the relocation choice yield gross mobility that exceeds net mobility. In their simulations, they reduce the number of labor markets to two. Instead, my methodology allows me to keep track ofthe entire distribution.
Managers possess knowledge, which is a part of capabilities, and if they enrich it with creativity, this ensures a competitive advantage that is sustained so as to fulfil a company's objectives. The speed of development is accelerating and, to achieve the desired efficiency, one will have to adapt to the increasing number of changes even faster by applying old and new competences. Enterprises demand workers with even more skills and knowledge, or they will not be able to keep pace with ever faster changes (Delors et al. 1996). If the success of a national economy is increasingly dependent on knowledge, it is of crucial importance to explore the role ofeducation and knowledge in greater detail. This paper focuses on knowledge acquired in the formal process ofeducation, and the subject addressed is narrowed down to graduate education at the master's level in thefieldof management. As a response to greater enrolment in graduate programmes, we wish to assess the expectations regarding graduate education in Slovenian enterprises. Therefore, the intention is to explore how students in graduate programmes in thefieldof management and Slovenian enterprises perceive graduate education and whether there are any differences in their perceptions. It is important to explore what expectations enterprises and their managers have about managerial capabilities obtained in graduate programmes and whether they see them as useful in solving day-to-day problems.
What is exceptional about the Israeli occupationofthe West Bank is that unlike other modern occupiers, Israel attempted to pursue policies which run contrary to the basic tenets ofthe laws of belligerent occupation while resorting to extensive interpretation and application of these very same laws. It is interesting to note that Israel itself avoided the formal application ofthe laws of belligerent occupation over territories where it could muster domestic support for annexation (East Jerusalem, Golan Heights), or where it was able to establish on the ground looser modalities of control than those found in the areas ofthe West Bank it actively administers (post-2005 Gaza, South Lebanon, and Area A ofthe West Bank – whose day to day administration is performed by the Palestinian Authority). It is only with respect to Areas B and C ofthe West Bank, where day-to-day military control is intensive, but whose annexation would generate considerable domestic and international opposition, that Israel now resorts to the laws of belligerent occupation as a normative point of departure for its policies.
preschool education in Germany. The federal government aims to provide preschool education or day care to 35% ofthe children under the age of three by the year 2013. Apart from these efforts to increase preschool in Germany quantitatively, there are various initiatives to increase preschool quality. In providing these measures, the German government is trying to catch up with the preschool provision rates of other countries such as the Scandinavian countries, France, and Belgium. For instance, in Denmark, almost 62%, in Norway 44% and in Belgium 34% of all children under the age of three attend some kind of formal day care. In Germany the corresponding number is 9% (OECD 2006; 2007; UNICEF 2008). Thus it is clear that other countries such as Sweden and Denmark are considered to be the childcare and preschool education leaders in Europe offering universal, or close to universal high-quality and publicly-funded childcare to their citizens. However, there are other countries that - like Germany - have begun promoting increased preschool education attendance. The UK, for instance, has sought to learn from the Nordic childcare model and are moving towards a model of universal childcare while focusing on an educational approach for the early-years services.
In order to attain the so defined scope, we need to collect and analyze data in several aspects. In the first place, we need to have a clear picture ofthe situation regarding how the process fits within the institutional framework and what the level of competence ofthe employees engaged in the protection of consumer rights is. This is necessary because the employed in this field form the potential market for educational products that offer training in thefieldof consumer protection. Secondly, we need to evaluate the training needs ofthe direct participants in the market relations – the consumers of goods and services and the suppliers (companies and organizations). This is determined by the fact that in order to improve the consumer protection, the suppliers must be familiar with the benefits that they will gain and the possible demands ofthe potential users on the one hand, and the users must know what their rights are in order to put the pressure on the suppliers, on the other hand. Thirdly, the users can be provided with more information through the use of various means – by popularizing (publications, explanation programs), by offering educational products (courses, programs, seminars) and by various other means. In this regard, it would be interesting to know what is the significance ofthe various tools for improving the general activity on protecting the consumer rights, that would provide the basis for determining the role ofthe institutions of higher education in the process.
to college results in an increase from 6.8 to 8.2 (8.1) percentage points.
7.3.3 Explaining the willingness-to-pay
We now turn to the marginal effects of parental background variables and other observed attributes and preferences on the willingness-to-pay for financial aid. Table 7 below reports the average marginal effects for two types of financial aid packages, namely a $1,000 loan and a $1,000 grant. 36 We first examine the effects of parental income. There is a large empirical literature on the relationship between parental income and schooling attainment (Heckman and Mosso, 2014). Economists have long debated on the magnitude ofthe causal effects of parental income on educational outcomes, in particular college enrollment. Identifying those effects is a complicated task as family income is also likely correlated with individual abilities, as well as preferences for schooling. The experiment used in this paper allows us to go beyond evaluating the impact of parental income on schooling attainment as we can directly quantify how the willingness-to-pay for education financial aid, a measure that increases with the anticipated intensity of credit constraints, vary with family income. Doing so is also an important step towards evaluating the effectiveness of publicly provided financial aid policies that are meant to equalize opportunities across income groups. The results reported in Table 7 illustrate the differences in willingness-to-pay across income classes, using as a reference those who earn $20,000 or less. The results indicate that the willingness-to-pay for a $1,000 loan is non-linear and non-monotonic as the highest willingness-to-pay is found for the $40,000-$60,000 income group. However, the marginal effects across income groups are small. For instance, on average, young individuals raised in families earning $40,000-$60,000 would be willing to pay $1.2 more for the option to take up a $1,000 loan, relative to the lowest income reference group. A similar pattern holds for grants. The highest willingness-to-pay for a $1,000 grant is found for students from the $60,000-$80,000 income group, who would pay $1.5 more than those from the reference group. The marginal effects of parental education on the willingness-to-pay for a $1,000 loan and a $1,000 grant are also generally very small.
all. 14 15 We do not communicate with members ofthe control group.
Each service member in the information only treatment receives an email (Figure 1) informing him that he can use education benefits himself or transfer to a family member. The email header encourages the service member to avoid leaving the GI Bill benefit on the table and explicitly states a potential value ofthe GI Bill education funding from $200,000 - $300,000. The body ofthe email contains a list of next steps relevant to use ofthe GI Bill (whether for own use or transfer to a family member), including confirming eligibility, looking into schools that may be a good fit, and step-by-step instructions on how to transfer benefits. However, as an important point of contrast against other email treatments, the next steps presented in the information only email are lumped together in a single list; there is no attempt to distinguish between action sequences for GI Bill own use versus transfer to a family member. Finally, at the bottom of this email communication, there is a button to click for more information. This button leads to a customized program website that we created to provide information relevant to use ofthe PGIB.
municipalities below the line (see Figure 7).
Nevertheless, the Gothic line could have made a difference on political organizations even with a balanced partisan presence. South ofthe line, all parties were free to organize themselves openly and transparently from the Fall of 1944 onwards. North ofthe line, on the other hand, party organiza- tions had to remain hidden for longer and could emerge only once the war ended; but the Communist Party had more time than its political rivals to consolidate its organization, because it could exploit its stronger links with the partisan brigades. If so, this would imply that the treatment effect of a longer German occupation is stronger in the areas with active partisan brigades, compared to the areas with no brigades. This hypothesis too is re- jected by the data, however. Table 5 splits the sample according to whether a left-wing partisan brigade was (or wasn’t) active in the municipality. The treatment effect of a longer German occupation on the communist vote is not stronger (if anything it is weaker) in the areas with active left-wing partisan brigades, contradicting the idea that the brigades gave the Communist Party an advantage North ofthe line. We also estimate the spline polynomial re- gressions (including the dummy variable for being North ofthe line) on the unified sample, but adding to the RHS a dummy variable for the presence of left-wing partisan brigades as well as its interaction with being North ofthe line. The estimated coefficient on the interaction variable always has a negative coefficient, which sometimes is statistically significant, suggesting that the presence of left-wing partisan brigades, if anything, dampens the treatment effect of a longer German occupation (results not shown). Simi- lar results hold for the catholic vote if we split the sample according to the presence of any partisan brigade (results not shown).
Rebecca Boehling explained that the Joint Chiefs of Staff (JCS) Direc- tive 1067, in force from 1945 to 1947, attempted a compromise on dena- zification: it changed top personnel but gradually disavowed the pro- gram’s punitive and repressive aspects. Although Americans and Germans committed to a fundamental purge and democratization of so- ciety were dissatisfied with such compromises, congressional committees believed denazification was impeding Germany’s economic recovery, and pressured administrators to halt it. American occupiers tended to
5.5 Causality and Robustness
In this nal subsection, we carry out additional tests to ascertain the robust- ness ofthe ndings reported. Standard ordered probit results are likely to be biased if Swiss citizens who oppose foreigners choose to work in occupations with few foreigners. As shown by Dustmann and Preston (2001) in terms of location choice, ignoring this simultaneity problem may lead to biased esti- mates ofthe attitudinal eects associated with the concentration of foreign citizens. Instrumental variables can account for such potential self-selection into occupations with few foreigners. We assume that occupational mobility is limited within a specic job; in other words, foreigner concentrations of more aggregated occupation levels are considered to be beyond the control of individuals i.e. Swiss citizens do not sort into more aggregated levels ofoccupation based on their attitudes towards foreigners. For example, an insulation worker (ISCO 7134) is likely to have some possibility to move to a related job like plasterer (ISCO 7133) or painter (ISCO 7141), but is unlikely to be able to leave the building sector (ISCO 71) altogether. At the same time, the share of foreigners at more aggregated levels ofoccupation are ex- pected to be a signicant predictor ofthe share of foreigners in a specic occupation and can be regarded as a valid instrument.