oil and gas in the region, corporate social responsibility and human rights has not been spec- tacular (see Okwechime, 2011; Uwafioku, 2011).This view is further buttressed by the United Nations Environmental Programme (UNEP) report on the contamination of Ogoniland. The report was an independent scientific of assessment of the area over a 14-month period during which the team conducted detailed investigations in over 200 places, surveyed 122 kilometres of Right of Way, received over 5, 000 medical and engaged more than 23,000 people at local committee meetings. The study also involved detailed soil and groundwater contamination in- vestigations at 69 locations which ranged in size from in size from 1, 300 square metres as in Barabeedom-K-Dere, Gokana Local Government Area to 79 hectares as in Ajeokpori in Eleme Local Government Area of Rivers State. Also analysed were over 400 samples including water taken from 142 groundwater monitoring wells drilled specifically for and soil extracted from 780 boreholes in the area (Adedoja, Alike, Ogbu, 2011: 1). The findings of the report showed that in the 49 sites that were examined by the team, soils were heavily polluted with hydrocarbons up to a depth of five metres. In 10 Ogoni communities, drinking water was found to be highly con- taminated with high levels of hydrocarbon. In Nissioken Ogale community, for example, the drinking water was found to contain benzene, a known cancer-causing chemical, 900 times above the level stipulated by the World Health Organization (WHO) (Adedoja, Alike, Ogbu, 2011: 6). Based on these startling findings, the report concluded that it would take as long as 30 years to clean up the pollution at an estimated cost of $1 billion. It is worth noting that since August 2011 when it received the UNEP report on “Oil Pollution in Ogoniland”, the federal gov- ernment has yet to take any concrete step to address the life threatening issues identified in the report. Government’s apparent inaction only underlines the popular suspicion of en- trenched policy of between exploiting petroleum companies and corrupt regimes, which have perpetuated the external and internal cultures of exploitation and alienation in the NigerDelta.
The Nigerdelta region is one of the richest oil producing areas in Nigeria and the largest wetland in Africa. The region is estimated to have 37 billion barrels (bb) of oil reserves and 168 trillion cubic feet of gas deposits (Omotola, 2009 ). The oil sector account for over 90% of foreign exchange earnings for Nigeria and the bulk of it comes from the Nigerdelta region. However, the region is considered as one of the most oil impacted region in the world due to poor regulated oil activities (Omotola, 2009 ; Raji & Abejide, 2013 ; and UNEP, 2011 ). A number of factors are said to have contributed to the envi- ronmental degradation of the region over the years, which includes gas flaring, industrial pollution, oil spillage etc. (Raji & Abejide, 2013 ). Although government make concerted efforts to promote development in the region for many years through the establishment of Nigerdelta Development Commission (NDDC), Oil Mineral Producing Areas Development Commission (OMPADEC), Ministry of Nigerdelta (MND), and Amnesty program for the militants and improvements of revenue derivation for the oil producing states in the region from 1 to 13% over the years, however no significant devel- opment is achieved partly due to inconsistency in programs implementations and corruption.
Palynomorphs including pteridophyte/bryophyte spores, gymnosperm pollen, angiosperm pollen, dinocysts, freshwater algae and fungal spores were recovered from the three wells under investigation. Terrestrial plant tissue such as cuticle, xylem and woody components are also abundantly present but were not considered in the present work. Well locations, lithostratigraphic sections with sample positions, percentage morphological and phytoecological composition curves, climate cyclicity curves, range charts and distribution patterns of the palynofloral elements encountered are depicted in various figures and charts. Of the recovered components, terrestrially- derived forms (pollen and spores) constitute approximately 80%, whereas less than 8% are of marine origin (dinoflagellates and foraminiferal test linings) (Figs. 13, 14 and 15). Freshwater algae, fungal spores and inaperturate pollen types represent the remaining 12%. The low abundance of dinoflagellates might be a consequence of a high siliciclastic discharge rate of the Proto-Niger River confluence into the Atlantic Ocean (Gulf of Guinea) and also the tidal effects emanating from the ocean-land interface itself. Abundant presence of dinoflagellates requires less influx of terrigenous material, a condition which is not the case in the NigerDelta area due to the high flow rates of the Proto-Niger River coupled with strong tidal effects. Simmons et al. (1999) in their work in northwest Borneo attributed a similar phenomenon to the consequence of the input of immense amounts of freshwater into the shelf. It is indicated that such huge freshwater input develops into “freshwater plumes” which is believed to severely impact and dilute the occurrence of marine plankton including dinocysts.
The NigerDelta region is vast 70,000 km 2 oil basin in the southern part of Nigeria, and consists of nine administrative states as shown in figure 1. Watt (2004) points out that the Delta is characterized by remarkable ethno-linguistic diversity and that its communities were economically marginalized during the British rule where indirect governance through a warrant chief system was implemented. Since independence the communities have complained that they remain marginalized by a federation that is dominated by the ethnic majority of the Hausa, Igbo and Yoruba. However, the entry of oil extraction into the conflict added a new dynamic to the grievances of these communities. They have protested that oil revenues are not shared with local governments and thus they have continued to be excluded from economic gains, even when the oil is found in their communities (Boele et al., 2001). Analysis of poverty and human development paint a dismal picture, particularly when the NigerDelta region is compared with other oil-producing regions of the world (PIND/UNDP, 2011). The region’s poverty in the midst of vast oil wealth seems to have frustrated the young people expectations, fostered widespread indignation, entrenched deep-rooted and destructive mistrust, and incited the unprecedented restiveness in the region (PIND, 2011; Omeje, 2006).
The extent to which the CSR initiatives of the MOCs have contributed to community development in the region remains contested. For example, scholars such as Idemudia (2014), Frynas (2009), Tuodolo (2009) and others have argued that the CSR process in the NigerDelta region is not far-reaching or deeply entrenched. But in contrast, Renouard and Lado (2012), Lompo and Trani (2013), Uduji and Okolo-Obasi (2018d) support the CSR initiatives, arguing that MOCs have somewhat contributed to basic capabilities like water, electricity and shelter, material well-being of some people living close to oil production sites in these communities. Arguably, Muthuri (2012), relying on the extant literature on CSR in Africa, posited that CSR issues prevalent in Africa include poverty reduction, community development, education and training, economic and enterprise development, health and HIV/AIDS, environment, sports, human rights. Visser (2006) used the nature of CSR in an African context to argue against the accuracy of Carroll (1991) on priorities in developing countries, and pro posed that Carroll’s CSR Pyramid would not be the best model for understanding CSR initiatives in Africa. Philip (2006) posited that the motivation for CSR in Africa comes from the institutional failure of the government, unlike in USA and Europe where government pressure on multinational corporations has gone a long way in shaping CSR initiatives. Amaeshi et al (2006) proposed that CSR in Nigeria be aimed towards addressing the peculiarity of the socio-economic development challenges of the country (e.g. poverty alleviation, health care provision, infrastructural development, education, etc) and would be informed by socio-cultural influence (e.g. communication and charity); they might not necessarily reflect the popular Western standard/expectations of CSR (e.g. consumer protection, fair trade, green marketing, climate change concerns, social responsible investments, etc). Hence, philanthropic initiatives as CSR by MOCs are prevalent in Nigeria (Uduji et al, 2018).The positioning of this research in the relation to the engaged literature has been covered in the introduction 3 .
While women are often key actors in fisheries, they are commonly excluded from making fisheries management decisions, often due to cultural norms. The objective of this investigation is to assess the impact of a new CSR model of multinational oil companies (MOCs) on development of women in small-scale fisheries in the NigerDelta region of Nigeria. A total of eight hundred artisanal fisherwomen were sampled across the coastal communities of NigerDelta. Results from the use of logit model indicate that artisanal fisherwomen have remained widely excluded from the General Memorandum of Understandings (GMoUs) interventions in small-scale fisheries due to cultural norms of the people. This implies that if the cultural norms of the NigerDelta communities continue to restrain direct participation of the artisanal fisherwomen from GMoUs ’ intervention, achieving gender equity and cultural change would be limited in the region. The findings suggest that since fisheries, which is the traditional source of livelihood of the people are no longer viable and have significantly declined due to environmental oil degradation, GMoUs ’ intervention structure could focus on women playing key roles in fisheries management and conservation decision in NigerDelta region of Nigeria.
International Journal of Management, Economics and Social Sciences
62 Brown puts it succinctly (1987, p. 7): “Whatever violates another, in the sense of infringing upon or disregarding or abusing or denying that other, whether physical harm is involved or not, can be understood as an act of violence…. In the broadest sense then, an act that depersonalizes would be an act of violence, since… it transforms a person into a thing”. In other words, violence involves damage to what the victim holds dear. Oby (2001) emphasized that violence and conflict are unavoidable and keep occurring. “Every day, every individual encounters at least two or three conflicts either at home, at work, at social outings or even when a person sleeps in a bedroom without talking to anyone. Therefore, people are no longer new to those things that cause these conflicts, known as sources of conflicts” (Osagie et al., 2010, p. 83). There are different types of conflicts: conflicts over resources, conflicts over psychological needs and conflicts involving values. In Nigeria, conflicts over resources are more common, as when two or more ethnic groups want the same thing e.g., the NigerDelta oil. In such a case, the parties might attack the resources in the heat of the conflict. Conflicts over psychological needs affect the psyche of the individual and its productive capacity. Bur (2001), Owuamanam (2001), and Onuorah (2001) have provided extensive discussions of conflicts.
24 programme show significant and positive changes in disposition and attitude, as well as renewed sense of purpose for the region.
However, this is just but a very little fraction of the teaming population of the youths who are mostly rural based and is very prone to causing violence because of idleness. The finding of this study is that while training the youth in a high skilled profession is very good, it is of utmost importance to realize that going back to revive and modernize the traditional handcrafts of the region will cost the MOCs little but will empower so many youths. Such traditional handicraft include: Leather Work, Local Pottery, Textile Making, Mask Wearing, Wood carving, Sculpture, Tie and Dye Textile, Ivory Carving, Cloth Weaving, Grass and Cane, Weaving, Painting, Glass and Metal Works, Brass work, Bronze work, Calabash decorations, Iron work, Ceramics work, Fibre Making, and Bead & Jewelry Making. If emphasis is placed on these, the cultural tourism of the region will experience a big boost. Also, in October 2014, MOCs held its first youth link forum to promote youth development. The forum provided an avenue through which 234 NigerDelta youths were provided resources and opportunities to make them more employable (PIND, 2011). The forum also provided an excellent networking opportunity for the attendees. The programme engaged the youths in hands-on-workshops on writing a good resume, how to conduct themselves in a job interviews and how to start an agri-business (Chevron 2014). These are good CSR initiatives for youths in the region, but may not benefit the young local artisans who live in rural communities and need to learn and expand their handicrafts.
It is thus clear from the above that the responses of the Nigerian State could not have curtailed the rising desires of the NigerDelta Nationalists. No wonder, the responses inflamed their desire for armed rebellion and steady march for self emancipation. The exit of Ken Saro Wiwa and the seeming incapacitation of MOSOP which the Nigerian State thought that it would bring peace into the area were to increase the revolutionary feelings of the Nationalists. Today, other groups such as Movement for the Emancipation of NigerDelta (MEND), launched severe armed campaign against the Nigerian State. Their confrontation of the Nigeria State and oil firms appeared total. The NigerDelta remained ungovernable and profit motive of the oil firms turned to a sorry tale of losses. Kidnapping, maiming and other social vices are now common to the NigerDelta. New group of leaders with more vigour and determination emerged. Even if their focus, visions and primary desires have been questioned (Busari 2009 p-17) the fact remains that the enemies of the past remain the enemies of today and the questions raised by Isaac Boro and post Boro’s NigerDelta Nationalists remained unanswered and problems still in search of solutions.
Contradictions and limitations of the resource control movement There is no doubt that both the governors of the NigerDelta states and the pan- NigerDelta NGOs correctly analyse the negative effects of oil exploration on the environment and lives of the inhabitants of the oil-producing communities. They also adequately elucidate the issues involved in the resource control controversy. But to what extent do they adequately represent the interests of the ordinary citizens of the oil-producing communities? If the proceeds from the natural re- sources are vested in the hands of the state governments of the oil-producing areas, will they use them to advance the material and social conditions of the ordinary people? In other words to what extent can the governments of the Ni- ger Delta states, the collaborative elites, and the leaders of the NGOs be counted upon to protect the citizenship rights of the people from the oil-producing com- munities? In fact, there are no concrete evidence that the modest amounts that have been allocated to the state governments under the derivation principle have been used to promote positive changes in the material and social conditions of the people in the respective states. In short, the state governors who currently claim to champion the issue of resource control on behalf of the citizenship rights of their people can be said to be guilty of opportunism.
The environmental degradation caused by oil exploration and exploitation in the NigerDelta region of Nigeria has been a serious concern to the people of the region. This problem has had a magnifying effect on their local economy (their farming and fishing activities), and therefore threatens their existence as a people. To prevent further deterioration of the NigerDelta environment, and ensure its environmental sustainability, the collaborative efforts of all the stakeholders are absolutely mandatory. This calls for urgent need on the part of government, the oil companies, the NigerDelta people, international donor agencies, NGOs and other interest groups to have a clear understanding of the situation at hand, and then come out with implementable plans and programs to solve the problems in the region. It is not acceptable for the environmental degradation that has affected the region over the years to continue unabated, and for the pervasive poverty in the area to continue without the necessary interventions of the governments, the oil companies and the international donor agencies. The problem in the NigerDelta region should be given the attention it deserves.
Traditionally, oil palm production has been a part of mixed farming activities in West Africa. However, in the current practice, most production has expanded as an industrial-scale mono-crop (Corley and Tinker 2016). This imposes greater environmental risk on lo- cal societies, particularly on those with limited eco- nomic capacities (Colchester 2011). Currently, oil palm cultivation is characterized by large monocultures of uniform age structure, low canopy, sparse under- growth, a low stability microclimate and intensive use of fertilizers and pesticides. Land-cover patterns reflect the underlying natural and social processes which, thus, helps to provide essential information for modeling and understanding many phenomena on Earth ( Liang 2008). Furthermore, understanding the complex interaction between human activities and global change requires the analysis of land cover data (Gong et al. 2013). The conversion of natural forest to agricultural uses such as oil palm etc., has been re- flected in regional land-use maps in most of the tropical regions. This conversion can result in a series of nega- tive impacts (Carlson et al. 2012), e.g., forest estate loss, social cost (private cost plus externalities as a result of forest to oil palm estate conversion), loss of biodiversi- ty and ecosystem services, alternative revenue loss and greenhouse gas emissions etc. (Sayer et al. 2012; Sheil et al. 2009). To date, comprehensive regional land-use maps of the Nigerian NigerDelta which incorporate oil palm cultivation have not been produced. The lack of detailed land-use maps may be due to the limited availability of cloud-free satellite images and the unat- tractiveness of such studies for most private actors and non-governmental sectors. Consequently, scientists have not been able to carry out such research, possibly a result of the cost of acquiring high-resolution satellite images like IKONOS etc. in the region.
most faults maintain their active length and displacement pattern with little variation unless linking with neighboring faults into extensive, multi-segment fault systems.
3. The studied part of the NigerDelta is unique in that it exhibits at times a contemporaneous progression and backstepping of growth faults bounding one deltaic depocenter. This structural configuration is interpreted to reflect the sustained activity of mature faults feeding back into sedimentary processes in form of a cause-and-effect loop; this late-stage fault activity records - on a local scale - a deviation of the gross correlation between sediment loading and fault activity. It can be thus documented that although on a large scale an apparent correlation with sediment loading exists, deltaic fault growth remains an process that may act out of sequence, irrespective of the regional sedimentary trend. The awareness of such a potentially complex history of deltaic faults is e.g. important for fluid migration studies that rely on accurate fault-movement predictions and facies-juxtaposition analyses.
13 seems to have increased the pressure on behavioural, economic, social-cultural and biological factors that tend to influence the spread of HIV/AIDS in the NigerDelta. They come seeking opportunities from oil production; although many of the migrants end up in the cities, a large population goes into the rural areas. Some fill the gap left by the movement of local people into cities; they become farmers, fishers, hunters, harvesters of fuel wood and other non- timber forest products, quarry operators and artisans in other trades. This suggests that the issue of early marriage and teenage pregnancy are major barriers facing female educational development in the region. This calls for MOCs to go beyond CSR programmes that target individual women and consider the relationships and systematic factors that influence women’s ability to thrive and succeed in education. These agree with the findings of Dejaeghere & Wiger (2013) in that CSR programmes that strive to create gender equity must be thoughtfully and intentionally developed to consider complex social, economic, cultural, and political nuances, such as household decision-making dynamics, gender roles, and access to resources.
Several excellent reviews have been published describing these approaches (Gross 2007, Hertweck 2009, Brakhage and Schroeckh 2011, Sanchez et al. 2012). The most straightforward and powerful approach is referred to as the “one strain many compounds” (OSMAC) strategy which, instead of genetically modifying organisms, simply aims at changing secondary metabolic profiles by altering the cultivation conditions, including C-, N-, P-sources and concentrations, pH, water activity, oxygen availability, light, temperature and specific growth rates (Bide 2002). The OSMAC strategy has for example been applied to demonstrate the toxigenic potential of A. niger. Despite the fact that A. niger has been considered to be nontoxic under industrial conditions (Schuster et al. 2002), genome sequencing revealed two secondary metabolite clusters sharing homology to those required for the synthesis of the mycotoxins fumonisin and ochratoxin. Both clusters have been shown to be silent under standard cultivation conditions (Pel et al. 2007), while several studies have confirmed the general toxigenic potential of A. niger, in particular as a contaminant of food and feed, by cultivation under non-standard conditions, e.g. on substrates with low water activity (Frisvad et al. 2007) or at specific growth rates near zero (Jørgensen et al. 2010, 2011). In another OSMAC approach, A. nidulans was cultivated in different single nutrient- limited (N, C and P) chemostat cultures at low specific growth rates to induce silent PKS genes. This approach resulted in an induction of the two PKSs encoding genes orsA and
During the command economy, after the bankruptcy of reed exploitation, the agricultural vocation of the Delta was rediscovered; this would become, among other things, the last source of arable land growth, i.e. one of the agricultural obsessions of the totalitarian regime. To this end, the former embankments performed in order to grow reed were well suited to becoming polders, where intensive agriculture could be practiced. Some of these were to be drained (the reed was to be plucked) and then equipped for irrigation. The drained areas were to become large state-owned agricultural enterprises producing grain and industrial plants, but also raising livestock (cattle and sheep). Not less than 218.3 thousand ha were planned to enter the agricultural circuit, of which over 50% were already embanked. The first and ultimately the only drained area was Pardina, with a total area of 28,970 ha.
Bucx, T.H.M., van Ruiten, C. J. M., Erkens, G. & de Lange, G. (2015). An integrated assessment framework for land subsidence in delta cities, Proceedings IAHS 92, 1–7. doi:10.5194/piahs-92-1-2015. Available from: proc-iahs.net/92/1/2015/. [Accessed: 16.02.2016] Costello, A. , Abbas, M., Allen, A., Ball, S., Bell, S., Bellamy, R., Friel,