Moreover, further studies should explicitly compare the effects of different components of the promotion types on hand washing in a more controlled setting. For example, in future projects one could conduct focus groups that exclusively address current problems about hygiene and sanitary infrastructure in one group of beneficiaries, focus groups which involve exclusively the evaluation of promotion activities in a second group, and focus groups which involve solely the recruitment of volunteers for cleaning work. By this, we would gain insight in which of these components, if any, has negativeeffects on the beneficiaries’ hand washing behavior. Similarly, the promotion type stickers, posters, or paintings investigated in the pre- sent study was all-encompassing. We would gain more detailed information by comparing the effects of posters of varying layouts between groups, for example, present posters with primarily text in one group and those with primarily pictures in another, or display posters with a humorous presentation of messages in one group and those with rather sober mes- sages in another group. Hygiene songs of varying lyrics could be broadcasted in different groups, as well as via different communication channels, such as radios, schools, mega- phones, etc. It is certainly not easy to analyze the different components that might have caused the negativeeffects of special hygiene days on hand washing. Notably, the findings by Contzen and Mosler (in preparation) showed that some of the single promotion activities that took place – amongst other occasions – during special hygiene days in Haiti were either not associated with HWWS, such as quiz games, or even positively related to HWWS, such as theater plays. Future studies should explore whether it is the funfair-like character of spe- cial hygiene days that has a negative impact on hand washing or whether it is the seemingly random compilation of promotion activities. Likewise, the negative effect of home visits might have resulted from a number of aspects. Futures studies could have a closer look on the effect of the person who is conducting the home visits, be it a nonlocal health expert or a trained person from the community, and on the way these visits are implemented, be it in a top-down, educational model or in a bottom-up, participatory format.
In 1972, James Tobin, in his book, in order to reduce the negativeeffects of short- term capital movements, gave a suggestion. This suggestion is that a single type of transformation tax that will be collected in the spot markets, where a foreign currency is converted to another one, will prevent the circulation of short termed capital movements. As far as James Tobin disturbed that international transaction tax, suggested by himself turned into opposition to globalization, this precaution placed gave priority to the suggestions about impeding the short-term capital movements (Akdiş,2004). Tobin suggests that the tax offered by him should be applied to all financial instruments. According to Tobin, this tax should be applied in case that a currency unit purchases the good, service, and real estate in the region, where another currency unit is valid, This offer by Tobin identifying with the words of “throw sand in the wheels” includes to impose tax to the short termed and high summed capital movements that disproportionally actualize in the global exchange rate markets (Westerhoff, 2003: 2). James Tobin suggested to apply a tax that includes foreign currency exchange and that will affect all international foreign currency transactions. The tax of interest will come into play in both buying and selling whatever the aim of transactions is. In the beginning, it was considered that this tax should be applied in only current market, but the multiplicity of dodges in the current market revealed that the tax should encompass all markets (Ciritçi, 2004: 57).
(Schermuly & Bohnhardt, 2014; Schermuly, 2014). In line with SET, both coaches and clients are likely to be affected by their work, as both exchange resources (Cropanzano & Mitchell, 2005). Workers in other helping relationships do experience negativeeffects, such as mentors (Eby & McManus, 2004) and therapists (Linley & Joseph, 2007), but little was known about how coaches can be affected by their work to that time. Similar to the procedure for negativeeffects for clients, Schermuly (2014) first defined negativeeffects for coaches as "all harmful and unwanted results for coaches directly caused by coaching that occur parallel to or following coaching" (p. 169). He interviewed 20 coaches to identify possible negativeeffects for coaches, and let 104 coaches evaluate their occurrence during the last completed coaching process and during their career as a coach. The most frequent negativeeffects were that coaches were disappointed about not observing the long-term influences of coaching, followed by being personally affected by topics discussed during coaching, and that they were scared that they would not fulfill their role as a coach (Schermuly, 2014). As these effects concentrate on the coach and clients may not be aware of them, coaches are best suited to evaluate negativeeffects for themselves. The findings indicated that at least one negative effect was present in 94% of coaching processes and in 99% of careers, with on average six negativeeffects per coaching process (Schermuly, 2014). Moreover, the number of negativeeffects in this study was negatively related to coaches' psychological empowerment and positively related to their emotional exhaustion and perceived stress. This highlights the importance of negativeeffects for coaches and the potential need for their self-care. Building up on these first explorative findings, this dissertation takes the next leap and investigates the antecedents and consequences of negativeeffects for coaches more thoroughly and introduces their association with negativeeffects for clients.
This study has demonstrated that recipients of Akutagawa Prizes live 2.4 years longer than authors who were nominated for the prize but did not receive it, and recipients of Naoki Prizes lived 5.1 fewer years than their fellow nominees. These results confirm our hypotheses that receiving awards exerts positive and negativeeffects on longevity, and that the net effect depends on the times and situations of receiving the prizes. The analysis did not display differences in the magnitude of the effects between the two prizes, and this limitation invites future studies. However, it does demonstrate that the affirmative (negative) effect from receiving the Akutagawa Prize (Naoki Prize) exceeds the negative effect (positive effect).
Alongside the low interest rate in the euro area, two further developments are likely to have reinforced the negativeeffects of fiscal consolidations and structural reforms. First, private households and companies have taken gargantuan measures to reduce their own debt burden. Sharply falling housing prices in the crisis countries reduced the value of their key securities, causing the real level of debt to rise. Households reacted by cutting consumer spending. And the flow of loans to companies was reduced to a trickle. In a situation in which private demand is already fragile, austerity measures amplify the economic downturn. Second, the euro crisis led to great caution in the European financial markets. Since the austerity measures have been minimally successful and sovereign debt has actually expanded, both the default risk of the countries involved and investor skepticism may have increased. 3
prevents the patient from becoming more self-reliant. However, the idea of dependency as being detrimental is controversial given that it is contingent on both perspective and theoretical standpoint. Dependency may be regarded as negative by significant others, but not necessarily by the patient [ 29 ]. Also, dependency could be seen as beneficial with regard to establishing a therapeutic relationship, but adverse and unwanted if it hinders the patient from ending treat- ment and becoming an active agent [ 69 ]. Determining the issue of dependency directly, as in using the NEQ, could shed some more light on this matter and warrants further research. In terms of stigma, little is currently known about its occurrence, characteristics, and potential impact. Linden and Schermuly-Haupt [ 30 ] discuss it as a possible area for assessing negativeeffects. Being afraid that others might find out about one’s treatment is also mentioned in the INEP [ 43 ]. Given the fact that much have been written about stigma and its interference with mental health care [ 70 – 72 ], there is reason to assume that the idea of being negatively perceived by others for having a psychiatric disorder or seeking help could become a problem in treat- ment. However, whether stigma should be perceived as a negative effect attributable to treat- ment or other circumstances, e.g., social or cultural context, remains to be seen. As for hopelessness, the relationship is much clearer. Lack of improvement and not believing that things can get better are assumed to be particularly harmful in treatment [ 28 ], and could be associated with increased hopelessness [ 73 ]. Hopelessness is, in turn, connected to several neg- ative outcomes, most notably, depression and suicidality [ 74 ], thus being of great importance to examine during treatment. Hopelessness is included in instruments of depression, e.g., the Beck Depression Inventory [ 75 ], “I feel the future is hopeless and that things cannot improve” (Item
heterogeneity in individual characteristics, job choices and career objectives, different search and negotiation behaviors of different groups, structural reasons such as unequal burdens of bringing up children, or even biased location choices of couples.
The ongoing public debate notwithstanding, our knowledge about labor market chances of highly skilled women and immigrants in Germany, and the potential problem of additive disadvantages faced by female immigrants, is limited. In this paper, we draw on survey data from a large-scale graduate tracer study conducted by the University of Kassel International Centre for Higher Education Research (INCHER-Kassel). Alumni across all disciplines from 37 German universities (with a raw sample size of more than 15,000 individuals) were surveyed about their employment situation roughly nine to 18 months after graduation. Controlling for individual differences in employability, we analyze three different indicators of labor market outcomes for this sample: wage differentials, job satisfaction, as well as the perceived match of competences and job requirements. For our sample of recent German university graduates, gender differences in labor market outcomes generally appear to be more substantial than those related to immigration status. Our results indicate a systemic wage gap for women, but not for male immigrants. In contrast to earlier work for the U.S. (Le and Miller, 2010) we find no evidence that female immigrants suffer from a “double-negative effect” of being disadvantaged twofold (in terms of gender and immigration status). Similar patterns are obtained for job satisfaction and the match quality of competences and job requirements.
2 1. Introduction
Terrorism can impact aggregate economic outputs (Abadie and Gardeazabal, 2003) as well as specific sectors of activity (for a survey, see, e.g., Llussá and Tavares, 2007a and 2007b), representing more generally a cost for the economy of the affected countries (see, e.g., Enders and Olson, 2012). Besides personal and material damages, terrorist activity induces a change in the risk perception of economic agents, leading to a permanent reduction in productive investments and consumption of goods (Abadie and Gardeazabal, 2008; Eckstein and Tsiddon, 2004). Additionally, the terrorists’ predatory financing system may also impact the economy and its agents. In this regard, one of the main forms of funding used by terrorist groups is that of extortion – the so-called “revolutionary tax” paid by entrepreneurs and liberal professionals 1 . As a result of its impact on economic activity and on the behaviour of economic agents, terrorism may also influence the design of fiscal and monetary policies, either as any other unpredictable shock would or as part of the policy makers’ endogenous reaction to terrorist activity. As the previous literature suggests (see Gupta et al., 2004), terrorism can affect the fiscal accounts through three main potential channels: by disrupting real economic activity (GDP); by distorting the composition of government spending; and by affecting the tax bases with negative consequences for tax revenues. While the evidence confirms the negative effect of terrorism on GDP growth and demonstrates an increase in public spending to cover additional security needs (see, e.g., Hobjin, 2002 and Gupta et al., 2004) with its negative impact on the budget deficit (see, e.g., Eichenbaum and Fisher, 2004; Wildasin, 2002), very little has been said about the potential effects of terrorist activity on tax bases, tax collection and tax revenues.
Effect of knee braces vs. impacts or moments - 25 While the acceleration sensors measured high differences in the accelerations inside the bones, the observed effects in the ACL strain were rather small. This might be explained with the stabilizing effect of the muscle forces together with the subcritical impact energy of 1 Joule, which leads to the assumption that the effect of bracing is probably more prominent during contact sports with higher impact energy. Even so, our results indicate trends and demonstrate that there is no simple answer to the research question whether prophylactic braces actually do protect the knee during sports. For lateral and medial impacts, bracing tends to reduce the ACL strain, which is in agreement with a study by Paulos et al. . Erickson et al. found a reduced impact force for braced knees during lateral impacts but no significant protective effect for the ACL . Our finding of higher ACL strain for anterior impacts in the braced condition might be explained with the mechanical coupling effect of the brace: In braced condition, the mechanical coupling between thigh and shank might prevent a posterior translation of the tibia so that instead, an extension torque is induced. This knee extension torque might have had the same effect as an actual knee extension, which was shown to increase ACL strain .
The high proportion of informal employment in total employment is a drag on productivity and living standards, and is a reflection of—and further undermines—weak institutions. The result is sub-optimal levels of efficiency and welfare. Informal work tends to be less productive, relies on less-skilled labor inputs and offers fewer opportunities for skill accumulation. This in turn constrains the growth rates of highly informal economies due to low value-added, and leads to low income per capita levels. Even though informal employment accounts for the majority of employment in the developing world, the contributions of informal workers and producers to national output fall in the range of 25–50% of GDP . Informal work tends to pay less than formal work. Moreover, low informal earnings—especially for small farmers and subsistence entrepreneurs— limit disposable incomes and thus provide little support for aggregate demand through households’ consumption of local goods and services, slowing the pace of economic growth. Even non-subsistence informal workers are likely to make only limited contributions to aggregate demand given that informal earnings often average less than the national minimum wage . Poverty incidence is much higher among those in informal work, and low informal earnings also lead to persistently low intergenerational human capital accumulation and therefore low labor productivity. With respect to firms, credit- constrained informal firms are less likely than formal firms to invest their limited profits in skills or technology upgrades that enhance productivity, revenues, and firm growth. Furthermore, tax and regulatory avoidance efforts are costly, diverting time and resources away from productive activities and limiting economic output and fiscal revenues. It is thus important for policymakers to understand the channels through which informality is a drag on growth and human development, and design policies to mitigate these negative consequences.
The foreign ownership premium presented in Table 1 shows that firms in foreign ownership are on aver- age considerably larger in terms of the number of employees, pay higher wages and display higher labor productivity and export intensity. At first glance, one could assume that foreign ownership contributes positively to the performance of domes- tic firms. Such a simple comparison, however, does not permit any meaningful analysis of the effects of a foreign takeover. The causal effect is uncertain a priori: Does a foreign takeover have (positive) effects on the acquired firm, or do foreign multi- national enterprises primarily take over large and productive domestic firms? To identify the direction of causality, two questions are addressed in the fol- lowing section:
implicitly by indirectly communicating target’s social standing, poor job performance or other weak aspects. This is usually done by silent treatment and non-verbal communication through ignoring, keeping distance and unresponsiveness to target (Ferris et al., 2015; Molden et al., 2009; Williams, 2007). These types of implicit social exclusion clearly involve target being ignored. Ignoring other sometimes intentional and sometime may not be intentional (Ferris et al., 2008). This has provided a strong criterion for selecting the workplace ostracism as independent variable for this study as it has provided explorable horizon when act with personalized reciprocity norm. Workplace ostracism is instance of workplace mistreatments which was intended to investigate how implicit or passively ignoring others was conveyed further into fear of negative evaluation. Organizational behavior researchers have largely ignored the importance of implicit social exclusions, fear of negative evaluation and belief in reciprocity to mitigate the negativeeffects of workplace mistreatment. Workplace ostracism is employees’ perceptions of the extent to which they are ignored and silently treated by their coworkers. Ostracism can be at horizontal level as well as downward direct. It can be from supervisors and coworkers. It is non-verbal, non- physical, intentional and sometimes non-intentional (Ferris, 2008; Williams, 2007, 2009). Therefore, workplace ostracism represents a substantial threat to belonging, self-esteem, control, meaningful existence and hence to other personal and social resources (Ferris et al., 2015; Leary et al., 2005; Williams, 2001, 2007).
to different economic conditions following the sovereign crisis in Cyprus, Greece, Ireland, Italy,
Portugal, Slovenia, and Spain (hereafter, the “stressed” countries). 3
Starting in 2009, the stressed countries drifted into a severe crisis as anxiety about their high indebtedness made it increasingly difficult to refinance their outstanding debt. This deterioration in the countries’ creditworthiness fed back into the financial sector due to banks’ large domestic sovereign exposures (see, e.g., Acharya, Drechsler, and Schnabl, 2014; and Acharya and Steffen, 2015). The drop in the price of domestic sovereign bonds represented a negative shock for the balance sheets of banks in the stressed countries. As a consequence, banks contracted lending causing large negativeeffects on domestic borrowers (Altavilla, Pagano, and Simonelli, 2017; Acharya, Eisert, Eufinger, and Hirsch, 2018). The sovereign crisis had opposite effects on German government bonds and the bonds of countries that were perceived as financially sounder, whose prices surged as a result of investors’ flight to safety. Therefore, most banks in non-stressed countries were less affected than banks in stressed countries by the sovereign crisis. The large cross-sectional differences in banks’ health at the beginning of the NIRP enable us to explore how these cross-sectional differences affect bank reactions to negative rates, controlling for differences in credit demand.
stadium, markets etc.). All other powers (which media supervise) want to communicate with this public, so they need the press. Negative Journalistic Communication is a complete dissertation of mass-media communication, it is a book in which conviction and persuasion will, at least programmatically and outside, convictive, compelling. Positive journalism and journalist relies decisively to convince, to transfer an internal conviction, to induce a convict. Instead, the negative journalist and journalism relies decisively to persuade, induce a foreign conviction, one that knows that it is not legitimated and interested promotes it. There is not negative the journalism that deny, but journalism which denies himself, becoming the tool of foreign interests of journalistic ethics of certainty (of conviction).
7. RETURNS FROM THE CARRY TRADE
Given the pervasive evidence of the failure of uncovered interest parity, it is unsurprising that financial strategies have been developed to take advantage of UIP deviations. One popular technique, known colloquially as the “carry trade” is a strategy in which an investor borrows money in a low-interest-rate country, converts these funds on the spot foreign exchange market, and invests these funds in a country with higher interest rates. When the long position reaches maturity, the latter funds are converted at the future spot rate to repay the initial loan. Excess returns result if the interest rate differential is not offset by exchange rate depreciation. The carry trade is risky, but common in the foreign exchanges; see, for example, Burnside et al. (2010). Accordingly, we now examine if carry-trade returns are affected by the presence of negative nominal interest rates.
attentionally processed less (i.e. attended to later and for a shorter duration) regardless of centrality. Especially, central items in a negative context were fixated much shorter compared to a neutral one. Furthermore this result was also evident in an analysis of the temporal profile indicating, that less attentional processing of (even “central”) information in an emotionally negative context happens early and is maintained throughout the whole viewing period. This pattern of fixations did not reflect the memory results and contradicts the assumption that the emotional trade-off effects are mediated by attention. In contrast, these findings suggest, that in a negative context attention for objects is diminished even for central information closely connected to the thematic content, while eye movements seem to be directed more (and earlier) to other information, probably those establishing the emotionality of the negative context itself (e.g., faces / bodies). Moreover, the hierarchical models also suggest objection of the common hypothesis, that the trade-off effects of emotion on memory is caused by congruent differences in overt attention. Inclusion of fixation data into the regression models did not diminish the joint influence of centrality and arousal. By contrast, the effect sizes of the centrality × arousal term in the two models including attentional parameters as covariates increased partly substantially. Thus a necessary condition for a mediating role of this factor was not met (Baron & Kenny, 1986), ruling out the possibility that attention is mediating the trade-off effects of emotion on memory (see also Riggs et al., 2011; Steinmetz & Kensinger, 2013).