TRANSYLVANIA
AKADEMLAJ KIADO, BUDAPEST
KASZO,
A S Z F O L D ( K I R A L Y F O L D)
r a s fOl d
;aras Mts.
History
of Transylvania
Institute of History
of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences
General Editor Bela KOpeczi Editors
G&bor Barta, Istv&n B6na, L&szl6 Makkai, Zolt&n Sz&sz Text editor
Judit Borus
History
of Transylvania
By
Gcibor Barta, Istv&n Bona, Bela Kopeczi,
L£szlo Makkai, Ambrus Miskolczy, Andras M ocsy, Katalin P6ter, Zoltdn Sz&sz, Endre T6th,
Zsolt Tr6csdnyi, Agnes R. V&rkonyi, G&bor Vekony
Akademiai Kiado • Budapest
MTAK
0002 7963
This book is the English version of the original Hungarian
Erdely rovid tortenete, Akadfmiai Kiad6, Budapest 1989
Translated by
Adrienne Chambers-Makkai, Gyorgy Donga, Ervin Dunay, Vera G&thy, Gergely M6sz0ly, Eva D. Pcilmai,
Krisztina Rozsnyai, Magdalena Seleanu, Christopher Sullivan Translation revised by
Alice Choyke, Ervin Dessewffy, Eva D. Pcilmai, Christopher Sullivan
Maps and illustrations selected by
Geza Antal Entz and Zolt&n Sz&sz
MAOYAft Chronology by
, _ ,
‘SCBDMSnyOS AKADfMMt«5Nwrm Kl&ra Hegyi and Istv&n Gyflrgy T6thIndex by Istv&n So6s Maps prepared by
Sdndor Csonka and Lajos Palovics i
ISBN 963 05 6703 2
© 1994 Akadfemiai Kiad6, Budapest
© 1994 Translation — A. Chambers-Makkai, Gy. Donga, E. Dunay, V. GAthy, G. MfezOly,
£. D. PSlmai, K. Rozsnyai, M. Seleanu, Ch. Sullivan Published by
Akad6miai Kiad6 Prielle Komfelia u. 19-35.
H -1117 Budapest, Hungary
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced by any means, or transmitted, or translated into a machine language without the written permission of the publisher.
Typeset by PP Editors Ltd, Budapest
Printed in Hungary by Akad6miai Nyomda, Budapest
M. TUD . A K A D EM IA K O N YV TAr’A K o n y v le lta r ,/j.a sz.
Contents
Preface to the English Edition — B e l a K O p eczi... XIII PART ONE
TRANSYLVANIA IN PREHISTORIC AND ANCIENT T IM E S ... 1 I. Prehistory and A n tiq u ity ... 3 1. The Prehistory of Dacia — G a b o r V £ k o n y... 3
From the Beginnings to the End of the Stone Age 3 The Copper Age 7 The Bronze Age 10 The Iron Age and the First Historical Nations 13
2. The Dacian Kingdom — A n d r a s M 6 c s y and G a b o r V £ k o n y 17 The Dacian People 17 The Reign of Burebista 18 The
Transition Period 21 The Kingdom of Decebal 24
3. The Roman Province of Dacia — E n d r e T 6 t h... 28 Conquest and Organization of the Province 28 Organiza
tion and Administration 34 Economy and Trade 36 The Long W ar and Recovery in the Severan Age 38 Settlement and Urbanization 41 The Population: Dacians and Settlers 44 Collapse and Evacuation 52 The Fate of the Provincial Population after Evacuation 56
II. From Dacia to Transylvania. The Period of the Great
Migrations (271-895) — I s tv a n B 6 n a... 62 1. The "M en of the Forest". The Goths in Transylvania
(2 7 1 -3 8 0 )... 62 The Decline of Dacia 62 The Carpic Interlude 65 The
Goths in Transylvania 66 Collapse 75 The Gepids before the Hunnish Conquest (269-424) 76
2. The Huns (376/424-455) ... 77
3. The Gepid Kingdom (4 5 5 -5 6 7 )... 79 Gepid Kings in Transylvania 84 The Gepids at the Time of the Merovingian Civilization 85
4. The Avar Period (567-827)... 90 5. The Slavs up to the Hungarian Conquest (6 0 0 -8 9 5 )... 97
The People of the Szilcigynagyfalu Kurgans 101
6. Southern Transylvania under Bulgar Rule (8 2 7 -8 9 5 )... 102
PART TWO
TRANSYLVANIA IN THE MEDIAEVAL HUNGARIAN
K IN G D O M ... 107 I. The H ungarian-Slav Period (895-1172) — IstvAn B6n a... 109 1. The Hungarian C onqu est... 110 2. Transylvania and the Eastern Great Hungarian Plain in the
Century Following the Hungarian Conquest (895-1003) 114 The Byzantine Orientation and its Supporters 120 The Conquering Hungarians in Transylvania 129
3. Transylvania in the Early Kingdom of Hungary
(1 0 0 3 -1 1 7 2 )... 138 The Eastern Part of the Great Hungarian Plain up to the
Last Third of the Twelfth Century 141 Transylvania after 1003 until the Last Quarter of the Twelfth Century 144 Hungarians and Slavs 149 Politics in the Twelfth Century 152 Economy and Population 154 Archaeological Evi
dence from the Times of the Establishment of the State 158 The Emergence of Castles 161 The Early Roman Catholic Church 168 Early Arpadian Villages, Houses and Other Architectural Monuments 169 The First Frontier Guard Deployments to the East 172 Conclusions Drawn from the Study of Hungarian and Slavic Settlements up to the Great Changes of the Late Twelfth Century 174
II. The Emergence of the Estates (1172-1526) — La szl6 Makkai 178 1. The Three Peoples of Transylvania (1172-1241) ... 178
The Formation of the Szekely and Saxon Settlements 178 The Peregrine Romanian Homeland 183 Romanians in Transylvania and Cumania until the Mongol Invasion 189 The Mongol Invasion and its Consequences 194 Romanian Kenezes and Voivodes 195
2. Nobles and Serfs in Transylvania (1241-1360)... 199 The Disintegration of the Royal Counties 199 Anarchy
and Consolidation 203 The Noble Counties and the
Nobility 206 Szekelys and Saxons among the Nobility 208 Ecclesiastical Organization and Education 212 Romanian Landowners and Serfs within, and beyond the
Carpathians 214
3. The Three Nations of Transylvania (1 3 6 0 -1 5 2 6 )... 221 The Transylvanian Concept of Nation 221 Turkish Threat and Peasant War 223 The Hunyadis 226 The Towns and the Saxon Autonomy 231 The Szekely Fight for Freedom and Gyorgy Szekely's Peasant War 235 Gothic and Ren
aissance Culture in Transylvania 239
PART THREE
TH E PRINCIPALITY OF TR A N SY LV A N IA ... 245 I. The Emergence of the Principality and its First Crises
(1526-1606) — G a b o r B a r t a... 247 1. From the Kingdom of Hungary to the Principality
of Transylvania ... 247 Transylvania and the Disintegration of the Mediaeval
Hungarian State 247 Towards the Formation of the Transylvanian State 251 Collapse and Revival 255
2. Economy, Society and Culture in the New S ta te ... 264 The New State 264 The Transylvanian State and the
Outside World in the Second Half of the Sixteenth Century 271 Saxon and Hungarian Towns 274 The Serfs 278 The Romanians 281 The Decline of the Szekely Community 282 Power and those Who Held it 285 Culture and Reformation, Religious Tolerance 287
3. Transylvania in the Fifteen Years' W a r ... 293 Istvan Bocskai's Uprising and the Resurrection of the
Transylvanian State 297
II. T h e G old en A ge of the Principality (1606-1660) — K a t a l i n P£ter 301 1. The A n teced en ts... 301
Population 301 The Free Election of a Prince and G&bor Bathory's Coup 303 In War and in Peace 306 The Prince without the Support of his People 307
2. The Reign of Gabor Bethlen... 309 The Porte Regains its Power 309 Gabor Bethlen Stops the War 311 The Professional Prince 313 Gabor Bethlen and his Country 315 Outdated Methods of Taxation and Modern Economic Policy 317
3. Transylvania in the International Coalition against
the House of H absburg... 318
H ungary and the Thirty Years' War 318 G£bor Bethlen as Prince of Hungary 319 A King Is Elected but Not
Crowned 321 Bethlen Loses the Kingdom of Hungary 321 The Struggle for Hungary and G&bor Bethlen's Final Plans 322 The Contest for the Kingdom and Transylvania 324 4. A Prince under the Force of C ircu m stances...
Political Crisis and the Triumph of Gyorgy Rcik6czi I 325 Good External Relations and Internal Conflicts. Economic Policy 326 A Victory over the Turks 329 War with the Habsburg, and Separate Peace 330 The Allies' Mutual Indifference and Rakoczi's Final Plans 331
5. Transylvanian Society under an Absolute R u le ...
The Serfs 333 The Lords 333 The Sz6kelys 335 The Saxons 336 The Romanians 338 Reconstruction 339 The Value of Work 342
6. Culture and E d u catio n ... ..
The Schools 344 The Intellectuals 345 Erudition 348 An Open-Minded Society 351
7. The Miscarriage of Great H o p es...
Connections with the Romanian Voivodates 352 The Hopes of Politicians in the Kingdom 353 The Polish Campaign and the Beginning of Transylvania's Decline 355 Turkish W ar in Transylvania 356
III. The End of Turkish Rule in Transylvania and the Reunification of Hungary (1660-1711) — A g n e s R. V A r k o n y i ...
1. Changes in Politics ...
Prince Mihaly Apafi and the Turkish Wars of 1660-1667 359 Apafi's Balancing Act and the Transylvanian-French Alliance 363 Secret Membership in the Holy League 367 Reunion with the Kingdom of Hungary within the Habsburg System 370 Ferenc Rak6czi II, Prince of Transylvania 374
2. Economy and S o c ie ty ...
Population and the National Economy 382 Production and Governmental Economic Policy 385 Social Mobility in a Society of Estates 396
3. The Varieties of C u ltu re...
Cultural Policy, the Intellectuals, and the Vernacular 400 Schools, Presses, and Science 403 Material Culture and Mentality 406 Art and Literature 408
332
344
352
359 359
382 325
400
PART FOUR
TRANSYLVANIA UNDER THE HABSBURG E M P IR E ... 413 I. The Long Eighteenth Century (1711-1830) — Z s o l t T r 6 c s a n y i
and A m b ru s M i s k o l c z y... 415 1. The New O r d e r ... 415
Population and Society 417 The Counter-Reformation and its Consequences 423 Romanian Religions and National Movements 426 Feudal Constitutionalism and the Vien
nese Central Government 429
2. From the Enlightenment to Liberalism ... 435 Enlightenment and National Cultures 435 The First
Decades of Enlightened Absolutism 440 The H orea- Closca Revolt 442 Administrative Reforms 445 Feudal Reaction and Reform 448 Culture and Bureaucracy 454
II. The Reform Era (1830-1848) — A m bru s M i s k o l c z y... 459 Hungarian Liberalism and the Feudal Constitution 460
The Hungarian Liberals' Attitude toward the Nationalities 464 Attempts at Social Reform 467 The Revival of the Romanian National Movement 471 Romanian Political Aspirations 475 The Saxons' Awakening to their German Identity 478 The Conservative Counter-Offensive 483 III. Revolution and the War of Independence (1848-1849) —
A m b ru s M i s k o l c z y... 486 Transylvanian Society in the "Springtim e of the N ations"
486 The Bourgeois Revolution in Transylvania 494 Coun- ter-Revolution and Civil War 501 Revolutionary Consoli
dation and its Contradictions 513 H ungarian-Rom anian Relations in the Spring and Summer of 1849 517 The Last Days of the W ar of Independence in Transylvania 522
PART FIVE
FROM THE EMPIRE TO CIVIC HUNGARY - Z o ltA n S z a s z... 525 I. The Era of Neo-Absolutism (1 8 4 9 -1 8 6 7 )... 527 1. The Establishment of Despotic R u le... 527
Reprisals and Consolidation 527 The Absolutist System 529
2. Political Life during the Absolutist P e rio d ... 531 The Abolition of Saxon Autonomy 531 The Repression of Romanian National Aspirations 532 Hungarian Resistance 533 The Hungarian Exiles and War in Italy 535 The New
Term s of the Emancipation of Serfs and the Compensation for the Landlords 536 The Impact of the Crimean W ar 538 3. Autocracy in D ecline...
The Italian War and the Actions of the Hungarian Exiles 539 The Conservative Federalist Experiment: The October Diploma 541 The Liberal Centralization of the Empire 543 The Struggle for Local Power 545 The Plan for a Danubian Confederation 547 The Provisorium and the Nagyszeben Diet 548 The Termination of the Provisional Government, and the Kolozsvar Diet 552
II. Population and Economy in the Age of Capitalism ...
1. P opulation...
Population Growth and Mobility 555 The Ethnic and Denominational Composition of the Population 559 2. E c o n o m y ...
The Transition to Capitalism 564 The Establishment of a Communication Network 567 The Economic Policy of the State 568 Agriculture in Transition 573 The Moderniza
tion of Industry and Mining 578
3. Cultural Life and the Ethnic C om m unities...
The Various Societies and their Programmes 584 Educa
tion 587 The Changing Worfd of Sciences 591 Literature and the Arts 593
III. Political Life and the Nationality Issue in the Age of Dualism (1 8 6 7 -1 9 1 8 )...
1. The Dualist S y s te m ...
The Restoration of Constitutionalism and of the Union 599 Liberal Legislation and Patriarchal Power 600 The Atti
tude of the Hungarians 607
2. The Crisis of Accommodation in the Saxon and Romanian National M ovem ents...
The Saxons' Position in the Dualist System 610 Romanian Politics: The Road to Passive Resistance 613 The Romani
ans of Transylvania and the Kingdom of Romania 616 The Memorandum Movement 618
3. New Tendencies at the Turn of the C entury...
Changes in Government Policy at the Turn of the Century 623 Hopes for a Settlement Fade. Renewed Romanian Activity 625 The Coalition Period and Vienna's Last Experiment: The Workshop of Francis Ferdinand 628 The Last Experiment of Budapest: Istvan Tisza's Negotiations with the Romanian National Party 631
4. The First World War 636 The First Years of the War 636 Romania's Attempt to
Occupy Transylvania 639 The Measures Following the Fighting 641
IV. Revolutions and National Movements after the Collapse The Michaelmas Daisy Revolution 643 The Emergence of the Romanian Bourgeoisie's Power Base 647 The Rom a
nian National Assembly at Gyulafehervar 650 The End of Hungarian Rule in Transylvania 652 The Socialist Alterna
tive: The Republic of Councils 656 Counter-Revolution and the Treaty of Trianon 659
Internal Forces 665 Internal Situation of the New Romania 666 Economic Circumstances 669 Romanians in Predom i
nant Situation 670 Sufferings of the Hungarians 673 Germ an Seaking Ways 681 The Second World War and the Divided Transylvania 683 Northern Transylvania 686 Southern Transylvania 688 The Extermination of the Jew ish Population 689 Fight against Fascism 690 Once More in Romania 691
List of Abbreviations ... ... 693 Bibliograph y... 698 List of Illu stra tio n s... 734 Chronology of the History of Transylvania — K lA r a H egy i
and I s t v a n G y o r g y T6t h... 745
of the Monarchy (1918-1919) 643
PART SIX
TRANSYLVANIA SINCE 1918 - B £ la KOpeczi 663
Index — I s t v a n S o 6 s 763
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Preface to the English Edition
According to current usage, the geographical name "Transylvania" refers to the Romanian province lying west and north of the Carpathians and bor
dering on Hungary. Originally, only the territory between the Carpathians and the Bihar Mountains constituted historic Transylvania, which in m edi
aeval times used to be an organic part of the Hungarian state. In the six
teenth and seventeenth centuries the so-called Partium (the areas lying west and north of the mediaeval Transylvania), and even the Banat, belonged to the Principality of Transylvania, then under the suzerainty of the Ottoman Empire. (Before 1526 these regions belonged to different administrative units of the Kingdom of Hungary.) Historic Transylvania was a Habsburg princi
pality from the late seventeenth century until 1867, except for a brief inter
val from 1848 until 1849 when it was reunited with Hungary. From 1867 until 1918 Transylvania belonged to Hungary, with both being included in the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. The m odem definition of Transylvania was form ulated after 1920 to include areas outside historic Transylvania.
This new Transylvania was split into two by the so-called Second Vienna Award (30 August, 1940), which gave the northern and eastern parts back to Hungary. Then, in late 1944, these same areas were given back to Roma
nia and this arrangement was sanctioned by the Paris Peace Treaty of 1947.
From the previous paragraph it must already be apparent that the his
tory of Transylvania right up until the twentieth century, has been charac
terized by a series of annexations predominantly determined by considera
tions of power politics. In Transylvania, Romanians, Hungarians and Saxons have been living side by side for centuries, together with other, smaller, ethnic groups. Ever since the nationality issue came to the fore, ethnic fac
tors have played an increasingly important part in the changes. Since the early eighteenth century, Romanians have constituted the greater part of Transylvania's population. By the end of that century the idea of uniting all Romanian-populated regions had already achieved a prominent place in the thinking of the intelligentsia, and in the nineteenth century incorpo
rated into the concept of a unitary Romanian nation-state. At the same time, the Hungarian population of Transylvania was bound to Hungary in nu
m erous ways, politically as well as culturally, and wanted Transylvania's
XIII
reunion with Hungary. The third major nationality in Transylvania, theSaxons, wished to secure their own autonomy under any prevailing regime.
Transylvania was twice united with Romania: once in 1920, and then again in 1947. O n both occasions the ethnic majority principle formed the basis of the decision and the Hungarian minority was not consulted in the matter.
As a result, areas predominantly populated by Hungarians were also handed over to Romania. This fact became a source of friction, since there existed neither bilateral nor multilateral agreements to settle the m inorities' prob
lems in any acceptable form, and at a time when the practice of forced as
sim ilation was continuing.
As a result, Transylvanian history has long been subject to dispute not only am ong politicians, but also among scholars. The truth of this assertion was indicated by the reception given to Erdely tortenete (A History of Transyl
vania), the three-volume work published in cooperation with the Hungar
ian Academy of Sciences' Institute of History in 1986. Although the authors attempted to avoid the pitfalls of a nationalist approach, to write the his
tory of Transylvania with the greatest possible objectivity, and to apply the criteria indispensable to a scholarly work, Romanian politicians, together with certain historians, accused them of having nationalist prejudices, of advocating territorial revision and even of falsifying history. We rejected these accusations, but welcomed those critical comments which, while ap
preciating the concept, methodology, and novel approach of the work, called attention to its unevenness and to the omissions and mistakes it contained.
With these criticisms in mind, we decided to publish an abridged version in English to help inform and orientate the foreign reader.
Sadly, not all the original authors and editors could participate in this work. The deaths of Andres M6csy and Zsolt Tr6cs3nyi were a great loss.
To revise the sections written by them, we had to call on G&bor Vekony and Ambrus Miskolczy: the resulting chapters should be seen as the joint work of the authors of both the original and the abridged version. Istv^n B6na took over the editorial work of Andras M6csy. L3szIo Makkai died shortly after the completion of the abridged manuscript.
The criticism and the arguments put forward confirmed the authors and the editors in their earlier conviction that writing a history of Transylvania is a task which touches on the fundamental questions of scholarly research, and places a great responsibility on historians both in the eyes of their col
leagues and of the public. We all share the belief that in the interest of learn
ing about our past we have to consider facts which need to be presented, analyzed, and interpreted with respect to circumstances prevailing at the time. Our authors and editors reject the traditional argument of nationalist romanticism, which invokes so-called "historic rights" to support a politi
cal ideology or a national identity, and all those reductionist explanations which attempt to derive historical processes form a single factor — i.e. eth
nicity. They are unable to accept the finalist approach of certain historians, who attempt to project the ethnic and state structures of the twentieth cen
tury into the past. Although our authors assign great significance to the independence movements and the efforts to form nation-states, they do not regard them as the sole driving forces of history. They are convinced that, partly independently of the ethnic composition and partly embedded in it,
economic and social conditions were crucial right up until the formation of
XIV
the m odem nation-states, and continued to be relevant even later on. Last, but not least, historical experience taught our authors that co-operation be
tween the various nations is in the interests of each nation. They believe that only the observation of collective and individual human rights and mutual respect for the language, the culture and the history of each nation can form the basis for such co-operation.
In writing a history of Transylvania, the authors addressed themselves to the economic, social, political and cultural history of all three major na
tionalities, knowing full well that in the current state of research a certain disproportion was unavoidable. The authors were careful to base their work on the analysis of facts and to avoid value judgments as much as possible — realizing that there is always a great temptation simply to replace old val
ues with new ones when one writes a history of such controversial subject.
For this reason, they paid much attention to the economic, social, and cul
tural trends of the "long period", trying to fit it into the fram ework of the region's history.
W e have listed in the annotated bibliography the works written by histo
rians of other nations, calling attention to views that are at variance with our own. W e take the opportunity to express our hope that the time will com e when historians will discuss their differences according to the norms of scholarly research and that their work will serve not only scholarship itself, but also better understanding between nations.
W ith regard to the period after 1918, we had to content ourselves w ith a brief summary of events up to 1945, since there are neither reliable source documents, nor sufficient research work to facilitate an authoritative ap
praisal of the last decades. We hope that within a few years there will be enough m aterial available to permit the writing of respectable and schol
arly works.
Transylvania is a special part of Europe, where different nationalities, religions and cultures meet — sometimes competing, but mostly co-operat
ing w ith each other. The events of the last years prove that such co-opera
tion between the various ethnic groups of Transylvania is in the interests of the whole of Europe.
Bel a Ko p ec z i
XV
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PART ONE
TRANSYLVANIA IN PREHISTORIC
AND ANCIENT TIMES
I. Prehistory and Antiquity
1. The Prehistory of Dacia
From the Beginnings to the End of the Stone Age
The variable pre- and protohistory of the Transylvanian Basin, ringed by high mountains, can in no way be separated from the history of the neigh
bouring areas. The valleys of the Szamos, Maros and Olt rivers have always been a favourite route of traders and populations in search of a new home
land. Groups casting an eye on the mineral wealth of this area were not deterred by the seemingly impenetrable mountain ranges, while what ap
pear to be insignificant hills often acted as borderlines.
As a consequence of the geographic features of Transylvania and fre
quent immigrations, few periods have been characterized by a cultural and ethnic unity.
Even though the first human groups had probably colonized this area by the Lower Paleolithic, the first certain races of human settlement in Transyl
vania date to the Middle Paleolithic. At the beginning of the last glaciation, archaic Homo sapiens groups settled the caves of the Middle Maros region.
Som e of these sites show strong affinities with the slightly earlier or con
temporaneous cave dwellings in the western part of the Balkan Peninsula.
Their flakestone tools were manufactured exclusively from quartzite. It is noteworthy that while a group of the so-called Charentean culture that oc
cupied an open-air site in Hungary specialized in the exploitation of young cave bears, wild horse was the main quarry of another com munity of this culture in the Hatszeg area somewhat later.
The Charentean industry was distributed not only in the H atszeg but also over the entire southern Carpathian Range as shown by the sites of Pestera in the Toresvar Pass and Baia de Fier in the southern Carpathians.
At the close of the Middle Paleolithic, groups manufacturing bifacial tools retouched over their entire surface made their appearance in Transylvania.
These groups are generally linked to the Szeletien technocomplex in a wider sense. There is no evidence of development from earlier, local industries and thus the presence of bifacially worked points in the Late Charentean can be traced to Szeletien influence.
Only the developed phase of the Aurignacian industry appeared in the second cold stage of the last glaciation. The Aurignacian groups replacing the cave bear hunters of the W iirm 1/2 interstadial have been identified only from seasonal cave campsites. Interestingly enough, it is precisely the
short-lived innovation of the Aurignacians, the projectile point carved from bone, which is lacking from the known tool kits, with the only notable ex
ception being the Late Aurignacian point from Baia de Fier. W orked points of bear hunters have been reported from Csoklovina. The neuro-cranium found on that site suggests that these hunters can be assigned to the proto- Nordic anthropomorphic group (Predmost race).
Beginning with the W iirm 2/3 period, the mammoth and reindeer hunt
ers of the eastern Gravettien seem to have bypassed the area encompassed by the eastern Carpathians. Only two sites in the source region of the Dim- bovifa suggest that these plains hunters had seasonal cave settlements. The tools recovered from Szitabodza too lie on the boundary of Transylvania.
After the retreat of the icesheet from the Carpathians the Transylvanian Basin was again slowly populated. Epigravettien-Tardenoisien sites are only known in southeastern Transylvania, along the upper reaches of the Bodza River. In addition to a variety of tiny blades, points, blade scrapers and small lunate scraper flints these sites have also yielded the characteristic trapezoidal tools of the Tardenoisian culture. At the same time the proto- Europid Rom anello-Azilien groups of the southwestern Carpathians and the Iron Gates region domesticated the dog and may also have tried their hand at the cultivation of wheat and at pig breeding.
This process came to a halt with the arrival of the Kflros-Starcevo popula
tion, an immigrant group from the southern Balkans. They had learned the cultivation of wheat and barley and adopted an animal husbandry based on sheep and goats from Anatolian newcomers in their original homeland.
However, the domestication of millet and of cattle may perhaps be regarded as their own innovation.
Their sites all lie beside watercourses and occasionally on low river ter
races. They built timber-framed houses with wattling subsequently daubed with clay. In addition to ground level houses, semi-subterranean huts have also been uncovered. Their dead were laid to rest within the village. Whereas the Epi-Paleolithic archaic Homo sapiens population buried their dead in an extended, supine position, the predom inantly proto-M editerranean Koros-Starcevo population interred their dead in a contracted position, w ith
out grave goods.
The finds recovered from the Karos settlements reflect an increased de
pendence on food production, but with a wide range of variation between individual sites. The ratio of hunted and domestic animals is roughly equal on some sites, while on others, domestic animals outnumber hunted spe
cies sixfold. Stockbreeding based on cattle appears to have been predomi
nant compared to the previously domesticated sheep and goats. W hile pig breeding was of importance on some sites, other sites are devoid of any evidence of pigs.
A similarly wide range of variation has been noted in the ratio of culti
vated and gathered cereals. The quemstones found on a number of Transyl
vanian sites must undoubtedly have been used for grinding seeds, but not necessarily cereal grains. The lithic assemblages from these sites rarely fea
ture the short blades that could have functioned as inserts in a sickle. The KorOs-Starcevo population nonetheless lived in food-producing com m uni
ties even if hunting and gathering were not always secondary activities. At
the same time, some groups appeared to have specialized in the processing of minerals, which would explain traces of human settlement in caves that had been uninhabited since the Late Pleistocene.
The KorOs-Starcevo population penetrated Transylvania from the Banat.
Their earliest settlements have been reported from Kolozsv&r. Some groups, however, migrated as far as eastern Hungary. These groups then intermixed with the local Epi-Paleolithic population which is why burials of both Al
pine and archaic Homo sapiens type individuals were found at BScstorok.
In accordance with the general practice of that period, the graves were found inside and between the houses of the settlement.
Around 5000 B.C., new groups from this population came to Transylva
nia, advancing slowly along the Maros River. Certain aspects of their mate
rial culture have also been observed in the southern part of the Great Hun
garian Plain. One of their earliest settlements is that uncovered at Sz&sz- herm^ny. The assemblages from this site include coarse vessels of chaff- tempered clay and fine red-slipped bowls, some of which are painted with the white spots of the preceding period. Pottery painting in general, as on the Great Hungarian Plain, was rare in Transylvania. The only other excep
tion is the site of L6cfalu, where polychrome painting also occurred. The early finds share numerous affinities with assemblages from the eastern Balkans, while the final settlement phase has been correlated with the final phase of the Koros-Starcevo sequence.
After a brief transitional period, the arrival of new populations from all directions at the onset of the Middle Neolithic brought an end to the uni
formity characterizing the Early Neolithic. Groups of the V inca-Tordos cul
ture advanced along the middle reaches of the Maros and settled the area between the southern Carpathians and the Erchegyseg (Ore M ountains), with some groups migrating as far east as the Fogaras Mountains. South
eastern Transylvania was occupied by Linear Pottery groups from Moldavia who penetrated as far as the Mez<5seg in the northwest. Sporadic traces of the Szak£lh&t group — distributed over the southeast of the Great H ungar
ian Plain — have been identified along the Szamos River, whilst further to the north we find groups making painted pottery related to that made in the northeastern part of the Great Hungarian Plain.
The ethnic character of the Middle Neolithic defined the course of Transyl
vanian prehistory for a long time, until the close of the Copper Age. The population of the Vinca-Tordos culture, one of the most thoroughly inves
tigated archaeological cultures of this period, after a time abandoned the m ajority of their settlements. The settlement of these peoples in the firc- hegyseg region from the central areas of the Balkan Peninsula is hardly a coincidence: copper artifacts made their appearance at a fairly early date in this region and the gold deposits of nearby Zalatna were among the earliest to be exploited.
The pictographic tablets brought to light at Als6tatarlaka in 1961 which bear a striking resemblance to similar clay tablets from proto-Elamite and proto-Sumerian contexts must be mentioned here. The possibility of direct contact between the two regions, however, is rather problematic since apart from the geographical distance the finds are separated by a gap of about a thousand years from their Mesopotamian counterparts. Early linear-geo-
metric writing systems tend, in any case, independently to resemble each other. At the same time, the Als6tatarlaka tablets, which are undeniably composed of some sort of writing, have permitted the positive identifica
tion of some of the marks (previously suspected to be writing) incised on various clay items of the Vinca-Tordos culture. It would appear that an attempt to introduce writing was, thus, made around 4000 B.C. in the Maros region which is in itself a remarkable achievement. We can at the same time also assum e that a proto-state formation based on some sort of simple cen
tral ceremonial centre developed in this region. Such a political formation in turn could hardly have come about had some groups not begun to ex
ploit the mineral resources of the region and become dependent on the grain and cattle raised by other groups.
Fig. 1. Terracotta tablets from Als6tat3rlaka
The attempts in Transylvania at creating a production economy based on the central redistribution of surplus failed over the long run. The process was interrupted by new population movements. In Moldavia, the areas for
merly settled by Linear Pottery population groups practising a primitive agriculture and animal husbandry (with the ratio of hunted animals as high as 50 per cent) were occupied by groups of the Boian culture from eastern Muntenia whose economy was based on cattle and sheep breeding. Some groups even penetrated the Middle Maros region from the Olt Valley. Their large pots and bowls ornamented with excised triangles and incised bun
dles of lines make an appearance among the settlement finds of the V in ca- Tordos group.
The real break, however, was caused by the migration of the Szamos Painted Pottery population from northern Transylvania along the Maros River. Their vessels, ornamented with red and occasionally black painted motifs against a white or orange background, crop up from time to time among the finds from the upper layers of Vinca-Tordos settlements, sug
gesting a partial mingling of the local population and the newcomers. H ow
ever, few traces of this integration survived in the later archaeological record and therefore it would appear that the greater part of the V inca-Tordos population abandoned its settlements and withdrew along the Maros. 6
The Copper Age
Thus, for a short period at the turn of the Middle and Late Neolithic, the greater part of Transylvania was occupied by the same population. Only the highlands of southeast Transylvania were still controlled by peoples of the Boian culture. The communities of the Petresti culture long occupied the territory of southern, and partly central, Transylvania. Their control of ore mines enabled them to establish contact with groups in faraway regions such as Muntenia and Dobrudja and almost certainly w ith communities in more southerly areas. Their vessels are fired so that they ring in an almost m etallic way. They are ornamented with elaborate black, red and brown painted m eander and spiral patterns. The technical execution of these bowls, shouldered vessels and cylindrical fruitstands testify to a flourishing metal
lurgy that is corroborated by a wide variety of copper finds. The various articles fashioned from sheet gold and their imitations which reached dis
tant areas in Bulgaria and Greece to the south, and the Kassa Basin to the north bear witness to the intensive exploitation of gold deposits.
The Petresti sequence lasted until the end of the Copper Age but only in the areas formerly occupied by the Vinca-Tordos population. The painted pottery groups of the Kis-Szamos region were replaced by horse breeding proto-Europid peoples from the Pontic steppeland who entered Transylva
nia through the eastern Carpathians. They occupied the settlements of the painted pottery groups and, in marked contrast to the earlier Neolithic prac
tice, buried their dead in larger cemeteries separate from the settlements as, for example, at Marosdecse. Their dead were laid to rest on their back with the feet drawn up slightly. Various grave goods such as large Pontic stone knives, knobbed stone maceheads and simple cups were found next to the bodies in the graves. The custom of depositing lumps of red paint, ochre, beside the deceased can also be traced to the east.
Roughly at the same time as the arrival of these new groups, the popula
tion of the Cucuteni-Tripolye-Erosd culture settled in the form er Boian ter
ritory. These successive waves of m igration in the eastern h alf of the Carpathian Basin resulted in continuous population changes. Due to the local population's intermingling with the newcomers, their lifeways and their material culture underwent various developments.
The Tiszapolg^r culture which evolved as a result of this process settled the Tisza region, northern Transylvania and the Banat, with some groups from the Banat advancing as far as southern Transylvania and the Middle M aros region. The villages of simple huts inhabited by the Tiszapolg&r groups — whose economy was based on large-scale animal husbandry and cultivation — and the settlements of the Cucuteni-Tripolye-Erdsd popula
tion encircled the settlement area of the Petresti culture, whose population continued its existence in peace even in these troubled times — perhaps because the form er populations were dependent on the products of their metallurgy.
The Cucuteni-Tripolye-Er<5sd population learned the art of pottery paint
ing from its new neighbour, the Petresti culture. The Er6sd-Tyiszkhegy set
tlement, whose layer sequence is over four metres thick, yielded an abun
dance of bichrome and polychrome pottery that was painted with motifs in
black, w hite and red prior to firing. The settlement consisted of houses, with walls made of upright posts connected with a twig wattling subse
quently thickly daubed with clay on both sides. Their internal furnishings featured rimmed hearths plastered with clay. The occupants of the ErSsd settlement were agriculturalists who cultivated einkom wheat. Their live
stock was dominated by cattle, although, at the same time, the greater part of the meat consumed came from hunting. Most of their tools and imple
ments were carved or polished from stone and bone (axes and antler hoes), while copper was reserved for awls and various ornaments. The small clay statuettes and clay stamp seals used for body painting preserve the memory of elaborate rites and rituals, as well as of a tribal organization.
The Cucuteni-Tripolye population penetrated as far as the Upper Maros region in the north where they became neighbours of the Tiszapolgar peo
ples. The settlement territory of the latter was subsequently occupied by groups of the Bodrogkeresztur culture, who occasionally also occupied former Tiszapolgar villages. Transylvania marked the periphery of their dis
tribution. Their presence in this area can hardly be explained otherwise than that they were attracted by the rich ore deposits of this region, since conditions for intensive agriculture and large-scale animal husbandry were undeniably more favourable in the Banat and on the Great Hungarian Plain.
It is characteristic that, viewed from Transylvania, the proportions of cop
per artifacts increases dramatically towards the heartland of their settle
m ent territory. The shaft-holed axes, adzes and so-called ham m er-axes reached the Great Hungarian Plain from these Transylvanian copper mines.
The graves of the Tisza region have also yielded an abundance of small gold ornaments. It is not accidental, then, that similar gold items rarely occur in Transylvania itself — the only well documented specim en was recovered from Marosv&s&rhely where a site of the Bodrogkeresztur cul
ture has been identified.
The Bodrogkeresztur find assemblages from Transylvania are practically identical to those from the Great Hungarian Plain. The deceased were laid on their side with their feet drawn up and were equipped with two-han
dled vessels — so-called milk jugs —, flowerpot shaped vessels and a vari
ety of cups. Their settlements probably consisted of ground level houses.
One Bodrogkeresztur site lying in the Cucuteni-Tripolye territory featured a small house with a floor constructed of wooden planks that was subse
quently plastered with clay.
At roughly the same time as the Bodrogkeresztur population moved into the H&romszek Basin, the beginning of an integration process seems to have taken place in Transylvania. Assemblages reflecting the mingling of Bod
rogkeresztur, Petresti and Cucuteni-Tripolye traits can be observed on the eastern periphery of the Mezdseg, whilst the finds from the Middle Maros region reflect the integration of Bodrogkeresztur and Petresti groups. The end of this process saw the emergence of a material culture that can be considered the heritage of the southwestern Transylvanian and Oltenian populations.
A few groups from these mixed Transylvanian populations migrated as far as the Great Hungarian Plain, whilst other groups — probably advanc
ing along the Szamos River — penetrated the sub-Carpathian region and eastern Slovakia.
The population of the Baile H erculane-Cheile Turzi group often settled in caves. These agriculturalists and stockbreeders, whose ranks also included ore miners and traders, did not settle in these barren and remote caves of their own free will, but because pastoralists from the eastern steppe had begun to graze their herds on the pastures of Wallachia and M oldavia at this time. These pastoralists stormed into this area through the Carpathians and disrupted local communities. The local population managed to work out some sort of modus vivendi with the first wave of newcomers, however, successive waves forced them to flee from their mountain homes.
This event marks, not for the first time, the start of a new chapter in the history of Transylvania (and, also, of east-central Europe). These eastern newcom ers and the local population assimilated in the Lower Danube re
gion, w here they were soon joined by southern Balkanic and perhaps also Anatolian groups. The emerging new population, the Cernavoda III cul
ture, penetrated as far as the Maros region. Their livestock keeping was based on sheep, goat, pig and horse, as well as cattle. The cattle bones are generally dominated by the remains of old male individuals reflecting a high number of oxen which, in turn, suggests plough agriculture and the use of wooden or perhaps antler hoes and shares.
This incipient development soon came to an abrupt end. Around 2000B.C., new population movements again led to changes in Transylvania with the arrival of Kolozskorp&d-Cojofeni groups, pastoralists from M acedonia and the Balkans in the southwestern Carpathians. The settlements are to be found everywhere both in the uplands and on floodplains. They often settled in mountain caves as well. They cremated their dead — the first instance of this in Transylvania — although inhumation burials, often sprinkled with ochre, also occur, especially in the burial mounds from the early period.
They may have adopted this custom from their eastern neighbours. Con
versely, this practice may have been part of the cultural tradition of this eastern European population. Their frequently found settlements are lo
cated in environm ents favouring the semi-nomadic lifeways of this pas- toralist group.
Even though these pastoralists and the Cernavoda III population came from roughly sim ilar backgrounds, their pottery shows marked differences.
Scoops with high-drawn handles, globular cups, urns and askoi were at first decorated with simple incised lines and hatched bands (matching or
namental motifs and a few corresponding vessel forms have also been un
covered in Cernavoda III contexts), which were later combined with lentil
shaped ornaments. Short dashes filled with lime also appear in this period, mostly on Transylvania sites.
Pastoralist tribes from the trans-Carpathian territory migrated into south
east Transylvania during the Cojofeni II-KoIozskorpad period. The popu
lation groups of the Foltesti III-Zabala culture penetrated as far as the M id
dle Maros region from the Haromszek Basin and the Brass6 area. Little is known about their settlements. Their dead were laid to rest on their side with the feet drawn up in simple pit graves or in stone cists over which a burial mound was erected. Cojofeni elements can occasionally be singled out am ong their finds suggesting scattered local m ingling of the tw o populations.
The Bronze Age
Around the middle of the Early Bronze Age the Foltesti III-Zabala groups were ousted by newcomers to southeast Transylvania (and Wallachia): the Glina III-Schneckenberg population. The new arrivals founded their vil
lages on hilltops and elevations. Their livestock was dominated by sheep, and their antler hoes and shares suggest a primitive plough cultivation.
The clay wagon model from KucsuMta perhaps reflects experimentation with animal traction. The abundance of curved stone knives and polished stone axes contrasts sharply with the scarcity of copper implements, mostly awls and chisels, with the occasional adze, axe or dagger. Household pot
tery is invariably tempered with sand and crushed shells. The one and two- handled mugs as well as the small handled cups are carefully polished.
Their dead were laid to rest in a contracted position within a stone cist and were only rarely accompanied by their worldly possessions.
W hilst the Olt region was settled by the Glina III-Schneckenberg popu
lation, the rest of Transylvania was still controlled by Cofofeni groups. In this later phase of their existence the former lentil-shaped ornaments are gradually replaced by deeply incised and stroked decoration in short mul
tiple designs. The excavations at the site of Kelnek uncovered bipartite houses with walls erected around a framework of wooden posts interconnected with wattling and subsequently daubed with clay. Hearths and ovens were found inside the houses. These features are probably the result of changes in style of life. It would appear that a direct link can be traced between their sedentary way of life and the fact that the settlements of the Cilnic popula
tion are concentrated in the Erchegys6g region. So-called eastern copper axes, whose antecedents go back to the Cemavoda III period, abound in this area. The manufacture of this weapon type, widely distributed through
out eastern and central Europe, was obviously not restricted to the Clinic territory. Nevertheless, it cannot be mere coincidence that an imposing hoard of over forty axes, dating to a somewhat earlier period, came to light in this area at Banyabiikk.
The turn of the Early and Middle Bronze Age saw the arrival of Moldavian groups in the H&romszek Basin in eastern Transylvania: population groups of the Ciomortan culture who were related to Monteoru and Costisa groups.
The settlement at Csikcsomortany-Vcirdomb was fortified with a ditch. A few of their two-handled jugs, globular bowls and cups were deposited beside their dead who were also buried in a contracted position.
They did not enjoy life for long in their few fortified settlements. They were unable to check the advance of newer groups of the Monteoru culture and were forced to migrate to more westerly parts of Transylvania. The characteristic ornamental motif of their pottery, triangles of parallel lines filled w ith punctates later reappears on the w idem outhed cups of the W ietenberg culture.
The earliest W ietenberg finds were brought to light in the north (outside Transylvania). The early assemblages and finds from this area share nu
merous similarities with the Early Bronze Age Ottom^ny culture of the Tisza region, with influences from the Ciomortan and Tei cultures only discern
ible at a later date. In contrast to its neighbours in and beyond the Carpathian Basin who practised inhumation, the Ottom^ny population cremated its dead similarly to the other Middle Bronze Age groups of Transylvania. It would appear that at the beginning of the Middle Bronze Age, population groups from the trans-Tisza area migrated into Transylvania (finds associ
ated with this population have been uncovered at Des, and B&gyon beside the Aranyos), where they mingled with the Ciomortan population and, in the south, with Tei groups.
The W ietenberg population occupied the whole of Transylvania with the exception of the territory beyond the Hargita, whilst the Harom szek Basin came under the control of the Monteoru culture.
W ietenberg settlements have been identified on low river terraces, high plateaus and well-defendable elevations. Most houses were log-built, but sem i-su bterran ean dw ellings have also been uncovered. Su rprisin gly enough, few traces of agricultural activities have survived in the archaeo
logical record, with hunting and animal husbandry appearing to have played a prominent role in their economy. Since they enjoyed exclusive access to the Transylvanian ore resources, the Wietenberg population probably traded gold and bronze for grain with their neighbours.
The entire range of bronze artifacts and gold ornaments then current in east-central Europe has come to light on the Wietenberg territory. At the same time, few hoards are known in spite of the fact that hoard finds prac
tically encircle their settlement area. This phenomenon and the demonstra
ble presence of " acropoleis" suggest a strong military aristocracy. In addi
tion to eastern type and disc-butted bronze axes their weapons also include the sort of daggers wielded by the Mycenaean Archaeans. W arfare with long daggers was unusual in east-central Europe at that time; and, in con
trast to neighbouring areas, there is hardly any evidence for horse riding in Transylvania.
Since the W ietenberg culture shares a number of other links with the M ycenaean civilization, it is not entirely impossible that the local Transyl
vanian population was ruled by a group of warriors from the south during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries B.C. This military aristocracy in
creased its wealth through the intensive exploitation of ores and the trade of metal artifacts manufactured from these ores. The products of this m etal
lurgy are, as a general rule, distributed outside the W ietenberg territory and it would appear that their traders could easily fall victim to strangers bent on seizing their riches. The hoard of gold axes, discs and other orna
m ents discovered at Cofalva in the Monteoru territory, the hoard of gold swords and daggers found at Persinari in Muntenia, which at the time was occupied by the Tei population, as well as several other hoards on the fringes of the W ietenberg territory were probably concealed for such reasons.
The prosperity brought by gold left its imprints on every aspect of life.
The womenfolk, freed from the burdens of agricultural work, busied them
selves with homecrafts of which, sadly, only the lavishly ornamented earth
enware vessels have survived. The globular jars and one-handled cups were covered with incisions and channelling so arranged as to produce flam boy
ant spiralform and meander patterns. Askoi, vases with multiple mouths
and wagon models were manufactured for elaborate rites and rituals. Richly ornamented sacred hearths were placed inside cult buildings sim ilar to the one uncovered on the eponymous site of Wietenberg near Segesvar.
At the close of the fourteenth century B.C., central European pastoral tribes invaded the Carpathian Basin. The migrations triggered by this inva
sion shook the very foundations of the prosperous society built by these Transylvanian smiths, traders and warriors. The familiar roads on which they transported their goods were now roamed by hitherto unknown peo
ples. Groups of refugees poured into Transylvania and the locals had no choice but to conceal their valuables.
The "Tum ulus" groups advancing along the Maros Valley in the wake of these displaced and fleeing groups occupied southern Transylvania. Their heritage has also been uncovered in the Szeben area, in the Mez<5s6g and beyond the Hargita. Together with the former inhabitants of the Great H un
garian Plain, they penetrated southwest Transylvania as well. One part of the W ietenberg population fled to the mountains (their cave settlements date back to this period), but the majority withdrew northwards. Together with the Gyulavars&nd population they attempted a last stand in the Szamos Valley, the Maramaros and the sub-Carpathian region against the advance of the Tumulus culture and its allies (the Felsoszocs group) from the south and the west.
The lack of consolidated circumstances and broader regional unity made Transylvania the easy prey of yet newer waves of pastoralists from the east
ern steppes in the early phase of the Late Bronze Age. This new population movement is not reflected in hidden hoards since the local population had hardly anything left worth concealing. Their new overlords, the population of the Noua culture, who poured into Transylvania through the Carpathian passes, also extended their rule to the Middle Szamos region in the north and the Erchegyseg in the west.
Very few settlements of this cattle and sheep breeding people have yet been investigated. The few Moldavian sites that have been excavated fea
tured light wooden dwellings suggesting that their Transylvanian houses m ust have had similar constructions. They buried their dead in a contracted position with their feet drawn up although in some cases cremation ap
pears to have been the practice. Their tw o-handled cups and vessels ornamented with simple raised bands appear to have been adopted from the assimilated Monteoru groups. The three-edged bone arrowheads, the bone cheekpieces from horse harnesses, the knot-headed and roll-top pins, as well as the curved sickle-knives find parallels far to the east among the artifacts of the Sabatinovka population who lived between the Dniester and the Dnieper rivers. This proto-Europid population — which included Al
pine and M editerranean anthropological groups in Transylvania — prob
ably spoke an Old Iranian tongue and thus the arrival of the Noua popula
tion marks the first appearance of Iranians in the Carpathian Basin.
Som etim e at the beginning of the first millennium B.C. the inhabitants of Transylvania and the Szam os-Tisza region were again compelled to con
ceal their accumulated riches. The greater part of the Noua population fled eastward so as to escape the fate of being reduced from master to servant overnight.
The newcomers, population groups of the Gava culture, gradually occu
pied the Kuktill<3 and the Olt valleys, the Mez<5seg and the Szam os region.
Their settlements include fortified sites; their houses are mostly log-built oval or rectangular semi-subterranean huts with central plastered fireplaces.
They raised cattle but could also boast of considerable horse herds. In spite of the high number of bronze sickles, agriculture appears to have played a less prominent role in their economy and the better part of their m eat was procured through hunting.
Following their settlement, bronze metallurgy again began to flourish in the Erchegyseg region. Practically all known tools, implements, weapons and ornament types were manufactured from bronze. These axes, sickles, swords, spears, belts, pins and cauldrons were, to all appearances, buried in uncounted quantities as shown by the hoards discovered at Isp^nlak, Fels6marosujv&r, Nagysink and Marosfelfalu.
The GSva population — who cremated their dead and laid their ashes to rest in urns — and other allied groups gradually extended their sway over larger territories at the close of the Late Bronze Age. Their settlements and cemeteries have also been identified outside Transylvania, in the Banat and the trans-Tisza territory, as well as in Galicia and Bessarabia to the east of the Carpathians. Some groups even penetrated as far as the Dnieper re
gion.
The area south of the Carpathians, Wallachia and northern Bulgaria was also settled by a population which, judging from its material culture, may have spoken a tongue related to the one used by the G&va groups. This area roughly coincides with the territory later inhabited by the Dacians, the Getae and the Mysoi.
There is little evidence for major migrations that would have led to popu
lation changes in this extensive area during the period that elapsed between the close of the Late Bronze Age and the first mention of its peoples in classical sources. This favours an identification of the Gava culture and al
lied groups w ith the ancestors of the Dacians, the Getae and the Mysoi.
Their origins are clear. The emergence of a population sharing the same language or speaking related tongues at the close of the Late Bronze Age w as the result of the gradual mingling of remaining local Middle Bronze Age groups with the conquering Tumulus population.
The Iron Age and the First Historical Nations
The peaceful existence of the Transylvanian miners and traders cam e to an abrupt end at the close of the Late Bronze Age. Asian equestrian groups swarmed into the Carpathian Basin and the Danube region and caused con
siderable upheaval in the quiet life of the agrarian communities. The new com ers — a mixture of various population groups who also often warred among themselves — resettled entire villages and turned extensive areas into wasteland. After the subsidence of these successive waves of people, various communities, often quite small, with mixed ethnic com ponents ap
pear along the Danube. Population changes can be noted in the areas set-
tied by the Gava culture and related groups, with most of the Late Bronze Age population of Transylvania probably migrating to the trans-Carpathian region. Their abandoned villages were occupied by the newcomers and other groups from the Low er Danube and, to a lesser extent, from southern Transdanubia.
Finds of the Basarabi culture make their first appearance in the Middle Maros region, whence this population spread out to occupy the w hole of the Transylvanian Basin. Their settlements, in contrast to those in W allachia, are often fortified and inhabited for longer periods of time. Light surface buildings were scattered among their wattle and daub houses. Their economy was predominantly based on animal husbandry. Most of the Basarabi popu
lation appears to have earned a living by metallurgy. It is striking that a num ber of assemblages unearthed on the fringes of their settlement terri
tory contained artifacts that were unknown or very rare in Transylvania, but which were made up of bronze objects used among their neighbours.
This period witnessed a flourishing iron metallurgy. Not only are weap
ons, tools and implements as well as parts of horse harness manufactured from iron, but also personal jewellery and costume ornaments, in ever- increasing proportions. The new com ers gradually discarded their old bronze goods and, for example, began to cast cheekpieces of iron instead of bronze which, at the same time, resemble the old ones down to the tiniest details. Their weapons — swords and akinakes — often resemble the Late Bronze Age swords with open-ringed hilts. Single-edged curved daggers w ith T-shaped hilts, similar in form to the weapons wielded by the neigh
bouring Balta Verde group have also come to light.
Little is known about their gold metallurgy but there is evidence sug
gesting that a number of gold items from the Carpathian region were fash
ioned in this area: the early finds from Mih^lyfalva, for example, include armrings and winged beads with analogies to be found in the Dalj (Croatia) and Michalkowo (Poland) hoards. Gold items occur but sporadically in later periods, again suggesting that these craftsmen traded their products.
A uniform burial rite can be observed over all Transylvania at this time.
The dead were interred in a supine position with the head oriented west or east. In addition to their personal ornaments, their weapons and everyday tools were also laid in the grave. The vessels deposited in the graves con
tained beef whilst most of the cups probably held some sort of drink. The fact that only three vessel types — urns, one-handled cups and bowls with inverted rims — were placed in the grave pit reflects a rather strict burial rite. Even though evidence for horse burials with a mound erected over the grave is known from the early phase immediately succeeding the Late Bronze Age, the vessels deposited in these graves foreshadowed the practice of later times. At the time when wheel-turned pottery became widespread in the Lower Danube region and in the Great Hungarian Plain, only vessels reflecting an earlier style were laid in the Transylvanian graves.
This Early Iron Age population with its strict rites was undoubtedly re
lated to the Scythians of eastern Europe. Herodotus, who wrote his Histo
ries in the late fifth century B.C. and who drew exhaustively from Hecataeus' late sixth century works, states that the Maros spilled into the Danube "from
the country of the Agathyrsi".1 In another passage, however, he mentions that the Agathyrsi were neighbours of the Neuri,2 who dwelt in the Bug region near the source of the Tyras (Dniester) River.3 Obviously, these scat
tered bits of information can be related not only to Transylvania, but to the entire eastern half of the Carpathian Basin or to the Carpathian Basin in general.
At the close of the sixth century B.C., Darius conducted his European campaign against the Scythians with the Agathyrsi also turning against them.
This can be interpreted as some sort of potential Persian-Agathyrsian alli
ance. Set against this background, the recovery of one of Darius' inscrip
tions from Transylvania, namely from Szamosujvar, is indeed noteworthy.
According to Herodotus (or rather Hecataeus), the Agathyrsi "live in luxury and wear gold on their persons. They have their women in com m on."4 This latter remark can perhaps be taken to suggest group marriage or, what is more likely, polyandry. In any case, the evidence from the cem eteries dated to the later, Csombord period can hardly be reconciled with H ecataeus' description, and thus his data probably reflect earlier condi
tions.
Around 500 B.C., the Agathyrsi of Transylvania occupied further terri
tories and their characteristic artifacts reached the eastern areas of the Great Hungarian Plain. When at the beginning of the fifth century B.C. this area was occupied by groups from Wallachia and the central Balkans, they aban
doned their plains settlements but continued their peaceful existence unin
terrupted in Transylvania. The metalwork distributed in and beyond the Carpathians — mirrors, akinakes, and quivers with applied metal crosses — clearly imply that it was they who supplied the neighbouring and, often, more faraway regions with popular "Scythian" items.
They soon disappeared from the horizons of the Greek world. Herodotus mentions one of their kings, a certain Spargapithes, who lived in the m id
fifth century,5 and the last reference to the Agathyrsi is to be found in a work written by Alexander's teacher, Aristotle, according to whom they were a law -abiding people who chant their laws.6 In the mid-fourth century B.C., they still lived in Transylvania, but not much later — according to the testi
mony of the archaeological material — the Agathyrsian cemeteries abruptly ceased to be used. They abandoned their dead and moved to other areas without a trace. The reason for their sudden departure was the arrival of the Celts who appeared in the eastern Balkans at the close of the fourth century B.C. In 335, they sent a peace delegation to Alexander the Great.
Their attack against the Balkans was repelled by Cassander.
Transylvania abandoned as it were by its former inhabitants, came into the possession of homeless Celtic tribes. Archaeological traces of settlement
1. Herod otus, IV , 4 8 . 2. Hero d o tu s, IV , 1 2 5 . 3. Hero d o tu s, IV , 1 7 , 5 1.
4 . Herod otus, IV, 1 0 4 . 5. Hero d o tu s, IV , 7 8.
6. A r i s t o t l e , Problemata 1 9 , 2 8.