Nationalism, Communism, and Christian Identity

and Christian Identity

Protestant Theological Reflections

from Korea and Hungary

Series Editors

Á

K

(Debrecen Reformed Theological University, Hungary)

J

s

(Honam Theological University and Seminary, Korea)

i

P

-K

(Protestant Theological Institute, Romania)

J

K

(Presbyterian University and Theological Seminary, Korea)

Volume 2.

Communism, and Christian

Identity

Protestant Theological Reflections from Korea and Hungary

Edited by

J

s

& Á

K

Debrecen Reformed Theological University • Honam Theological University and Seminary Debrecen • Gwangju, 30 October, 2019

Published by

Debrecen Reformed Theological University • Honam Theological University and Seminary Debrecen • Gwangju, 30 October, 2019

Publisher in Charge: Zoltán Kustár

Cover Design: Kamilla Mikáczó

Technical Editor: Éva Asztalos Szilágyiné

ISSN 2676-8356

ISBN 978-615-5853-22-7, DRTU Debrecen ISBN 979-11-958594-3-6 [93230] , HTUS Gwangju

Copyright: Editors and authors, 2019

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reporoduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher.

Printed by: Kapitális Ltd. Debrecen, Hungary

C ^ontents

Editors’ Preface ...VII Part I

Korean Protestant Churches before and after Japanese Colonization The Character of Korean Protestant

Nationalism in Japanese Colony ... 3 Jihoon Hong

Nationalism and Biblical Symbols in the Anti-Japanese

Movement of the Protestant Church in Korea, 1884-1919 ...11 Chang-Uk Byun

A Formation of Christian Nationalism in Korean

Protestantism after Liberation Period ... 27 Jaeshik Shin

A Reflection on the Growth and Decline

of the Korean Protestant Church ... 47 Byung-Joon Chung

Love your Enemies ...65 Sangdo Choi

‘Official Theology’ Before the Collapse of Communism ... 81 Szilveszter Füsti-Molnár

Self-identity of the Hungarian Reformed Community ... 113 Gusztáv Bölcskei

Bishop Albert Bereczky (1893-1966). A Life Full of Questions ...123 Gábor J. Lányi

Interchangeable kingdoms of God(s)?

A Critical Theological Reflection on Conversions or

Journeys from Christianity to Communism ... 141 Ábrahám Kovács

A far too eloquent silence.

Karl Barth’s inexplicable reluctance ...163 István Pásztori-Kupán

List of Contributors ...179

Ábrahám Kovács

A book is just like a fingerprint. There are no identical fingerprints. We, therefore, could figure out the identity of a human being from its fingerprint. As each fingerprint is different from others, so is each book. Each book has its own uniqueness, because it reveals the whole experience of the writer in its writing, contents and style. Every writer puts his/her own thought, experience, vision, idea and even soul into his/her book. That way each book has its own fragrance.

Thus, when we read a book we could feel who the writer is and draw out his/her fermented life. At that time, the book becomes an authentic one which conveys a sparkling insight and a persuasive power to the reader.

This book entitled “Nationalism, Communism, and Christian Identity:

Protestant Theological Reflection from Korea and Hungary” is one of those works which has its distinctive fragrance. The fragrance of this work is a blended aroma mixed from two different scent-bottles: Hungary and Korea. It is an emergent fragrance from a margin where 46o year old Hungarian Reformed church and 135 year young Korean Protestant church meet together. Each church has tried to formulate her own tradition and ministry apart from a modern Western centered Christianity. Even though Hungary and Korea located far away from each other, there have been some commonalities which has recognized from the starting points of Hungarian (Hun) and Korean (Han) Theological Forum (HHFT). First of all, both countries have been suffered from the international superpowers during the twentieth century. Therefore the nationalism and division of their nation is a deep concern for both countries. Secondly, communism also made an indelible impact on the Hungarian and Korean nations, presenting issues such as reconciliation and forgiveness. Thirdly, secularization is a crucial issue

Editors’ Preface

Weaving Europe and Asia: Hungarian

and Korean Reformed Theologies Meet

within the Changing Landscape of

World Christianity

for Hungarians who had faced a new world after the collapse of communism since 1989. At the same time Koreans also experience an unparalleled and swift change since the 1990s. In the midst of these commonalities, HHFT has looked for the encounter between Hungarian church and Korean church and tried to share each experience together during last three consecutive conferences.

The articles in this book are some results of the 2nd and 3rd HHTF. The 2nd HHFT was held in 24-29 October, 2016, in Honam Theological University and Seminary, Gwangju, Korea. The 2nd theme was “Church and State in Hungary and Korea: From a Historical Approach.” The 3rd HHFT was held in 8-12 January, 2018, hosted by Sárospatak Reformed Theological University, Hungary. The theme was “Hungarian and Korean Reformed perspectives on Nationalism and Christian identity before the collapse of Communism.” 26 papers were presented during 2nd and 3rd forums. Both forums provided opportunities to be familiar with and to learn from each historical context of its nation and church. Among those presented papers, 10 articles were selected for the publication of this work which is focused on the theme of this book. Many of papers on the 2nd and 3rd Forum were focused on the period of during and after Japanese occupation in Korea and Communist regime in Hungary. Thus, this work is consists of two parts: Part I Korean Protestant Churches before and after Liberation, and Part II Hungarian Reformed Churches during Communism. The period of Japanese Occupation and Communist Regime were a traumatic experience in Korean church and Hungarian church respectively. The articles in each part deliberately present historical and theological reflections on those periods. As a first stage of HHTF, most articles intend to introduce the experience, context, and history of each church for sharing, understanding, and learning from each other. These articles in this book would be the warp and weft for weaving mosaic textiles which would be some parts of world Christianity.

Our hope is that these articles will stir further debates and stimulate new theological thinks on both sides, in Hungary and Korea. Any book is best used if students read it, therefore, this volume hopefully will be used as a textbook for students who wish to study in a comparative manner topics that are evergreen for theologians, scholars of religion and historian. It is believed that the contributions made here will excite, provoke and initiate critical theological reflections that may be useful not only the respective two nations but to the churches across the world with similar concern in Asia, Africa, the Americas, Australia and Europe.

Gwangju-Debrecen 30 October, 2019.

Korean Protestant Churches before and after

Japanese Colonization

Introduction

Nationalism can take on various meanings dependent on historical contexts and situations. It is not easy to define a general concept of nationalism due to these cultural, regional, and national differences. Nevertheless, the rise of nationalism has greatly influenced the formation of modern national states.

I consider that Korean nationalism was developed through experiences of sev- eral serious external aggressions during the Chosun-Dynasty. The Japanese aggression from 1592 to 1598 and the plunder by the Chinese Ching-Dynasty, 1636-1637, are some of those examples.

At the end of the 19th century, the Korean peninsula was encircled by three large countries, Russia, China and Japan. They had the initiative in the political negotiation with the Korean government due to their superiority in power.

In 1910, Korea was annexed by Japan, and the Korean government lost its sovereignty. From that time on, some Korean people have protested against the governing of Japan, and as a natural consequence the March 1st Independence Movement arose in 1919 with the support of the majority of the Korean people.

But this peaceful movement was suppressed brutally. From that time on, under the stimulus of nationalistic resistance against colonialism, independence movements continued with the use of violence until 1945.

This paper focuses on the character of Christian nationalism during this time of resistance in the Korean colonial age. However, the major part of Korean

The Character of Korean Protestant Nationalism in Japanese Colony

Some Characters of Korean Protestant

Nationalism during Japanese Colonial

Regime

Christians had discontinued their resistance against Japanese colonialism after the 1919’s independence movement, because of the Christian idea of nonviolence.

This paper will ask whether Christian nationalism had lost its way, and whether Christian nationalism had changed its character from “resistant nationalism” into

“non-resistant nationalism (Statism).”

The Political Situation of Korea at the Age of Protestant Introduction

The Protestant mission in Korea was relatively successful compared with other countries. The success of the Korean mission can be seen not only by the rapid growth of Christian followers, but also by the role of Christianity for enlightenment in 19th century Korea. At the same time, the age of Protestant mission was one of the most politically confusing times in modern Korean history.

In 1871, the American government dispatched an army to Korea. Five warships attacked Gangwhado (Synmi Yangyo), because an American merchant ship, named General Sherman, which entered into Pyeongyang in order to force a trade treaty in July 1866, was completely destroyed by fire.¹ In the same year (1866), the French military invaded Gwangwhado and plundered national manuscripts of the Yi-Dynasty (Byeongin Yangyo). Therefore, the Korean Catholic Christians were persecuted more than before, as they were believed to be agents of Western invasion.

In 1876, Japan forced an agreement with Korea, the Gangwhado Treaty of Peace and Friendship between Korea and Japan, which was an unequal treaty. In 1884 there was political upheaval, named Gapsin Jeongbyeon, led by some pro- Japanese political leaders, and was brought to an end after three days. In 1895 Japan assassinated Korean Queen Min, who was hostile toward Japan. This is called Eulmi Sabyeon.

It was in this political situation of the Korean peninsula that Protestantism was introduced into Korea by American missionaries. Therefore, the missionaries needed to establish a moderate policy of mission, meaning they wanted to avoid conflict with the Korean government or the Japanese ruling power. However two decisive incidents happened due to the Japanese Governing-power, the Protectorate Treaty at 1905 (Eulsabohojoyak) and the Japanese Annexation of Korea (1910).

The moderate policy of Protestant missions in Korea meant a non-political and non-social attitude of Christians. After the Protectorate Treaty in 1905, some Korean Protestant leaders began to show such attitudes more openly.

On the other hand, some Korean Protestant leaders protested against Japanese domination with their Christian faith and nationalism. The failed result of the Independence Movement on 1st March 1919 became the turning point of the Korean church to be non-political.²

Reflecting this radical change in the Korean political situation, the character of Korean Protestant nationalism in this paper will be considered in three divided periods: before the Japanese Annexation (1910), from annexation to the Independence Movement (1919), and after the Independence Movement.

Character of Protestant Nationalism in the Formative Period of Protestantism in Korea

The introduction of missionaries itself was a political problem. They wanted to seem non-political, because they knew enough about the political situation of Korea and also about negative backlash on the mission work if they acted politically. We can verify their non-political attitude in their mission policy, the Nevius Method of mission work (1890).

The Nevius Method influenced the general mission rules of the Korean Presbyterian church (1893). From the Nevius Method, missionaries focused on two points in their mission. The first was denying self-governance to Korean Christians, and the second was checking the growth of nationalism within Korean churches.³ At the same time, the non-political and non-social attitude of mission policy was responsible for the growth of “other-worldly faith” of Korean Protestantism. The most representative Korean pastor was Rev. Gil Sun-Ju (1869- 1935), who was educated by this method and was very famous as a leader of the Pyeongyang great revival movement in 1907.

After the revivalism of Korean Protestantism, we can see the non-political character of churches, and, “the great revival movement can be considered to be a movement that arose in interactions between the external factor, that is, the U. S. policy toward Korea, and the internal factor designed to make the Korean church non-political and transform it into salvation one.”⁴In this moment we must

ask, whether this non-political policy was successful in Korean Protestantism generally. I believe that we cannot give a positive answer to this question, as some of the continuant resistances of nationalistic Christians against Japanese governing arose centered around churches.⁵

Protestantism and Nationalism under Japanese Suppression (1910-1919)

After Annexation in 1910, Japan began to suppress Korean nationalists, who resisted through enlightenment, education and restoration of national rights against Japanese colonialism. Most of these nationalists are Christian. The Anak Incident (1910) broke out in Hwanghae-province, and 28 nationalists were imprisoned, including Kim Gu and Kim Hong-Nyang. There was also the ‘105 persons Incident’ in Pyeongan-province, when 700 nationalists were arrested, and after severe police torture, 105 of them were sentenced to imprisonment at first trial.⁶Yet the response of the mission station on this incident was surprising.

At the second trial, just 6 persons were sentenced to imprisonment, and the mission center explained to the colonial government that they (missionaries) taught Korean church leaders to obey authorities and did not permit them to participate in lawless activity.⁷

Here we understand two ways of Christian faith in front of the national crisis.

One is a way that emphasized on social responsibility, and the other is pietic, conservative, evangelical faith.⁸ But it is very difficult to verify, how deeply and far Christianity or the Christian faith played as motivation in the national movement of nationalistic Christians.

Although Lee Sang-Jae (1850-1927), Lee Seung-Hoon (1864-1930), An Chang- Ho (1878-1938), Namgung Uk (1863-1939), Cho Man-Sik (1883-1950), and etc. are sufficient to be called as representative nationalistic Christians. For An Chang- Ho, participation in the independence movement of Korea meant practicing Christian love.

At first, the Christian faith helped awaken a nationalistic conscience to deny colonialism, however, the evangelical faith of the great revivalism with the Pyeongyang grest revival movement in 1907 revealed a dualistic tendency by dividing the world into a profane and divine world. Noh said, that the evangelicals

insisted the dependence on God’s providence through all difficulties of the national crisis. Therefore, he defines this attitude as a “psychological problem solve of the social crisis”.⁹ Yet we cannot easily verify all evangelicals as non- nationalistic as, there were evangelical leaders who preached and prayed for the future of Korea. However, after the failed March 1st Independence Movement in 1919, a clear characteristic change of Protestantism around the concept of nationalism appeared.

For example, the representative evangelical preacher Rev. Joo Ki-Cheol (1897- 1944), who was arrested several times by Japanese police and ultimately died in jail in 1944 due to severe torture by police, preached publicly that the national movement had nothing to do with Christianity. In his last sermon we cannot find any words about nation or patriotism, except for the righteousness of God. In spite of his non-political stand-point he was arrested and died in jail as a political criminal, because he refused to worship the Japanese national god of Shindoism.

Nationalism and Protestantism after the March 1st Independence Movement

The March 1st Independence Movement was broke out with active participation by Protestants. The number of Christian participants held superiority, and 16 out of 33 national leaders who signed the Declaration of Korean Independence were Christians. But the Protestant churches not only lost the initiative to draft the Declaration, but also hesitated to participate officially in the Movement, because the Protestant leaders had no conviction, “whether participation in a political movement accords with the will of God or not.”¹⁰ Also, most western missionaries did not recognize any possibility of Korean independence, because of the power deficiency of Korea against the Japanese military. At last, most missionaries were compelled to be pro-Japanese.

After the failure of March 1st Independence Movement, the Korean non- political stand-point was settled in Korean Protestantism. When the Anti-Japanese movements in church were no longer possible, many Christian nationalist leaders left the church.¹¹ Therefore, the year of 1919 was a remarkable turning point for dividing Christian faith and nationalism. A conservative theologian even said, that he did not agree on the socialization, Koreanization and nationalization of Christianity.¹²

Here I will distinguish this non-political Christian entity into three groups.

The first group continuously tried to awaken Korean Christians with a faithful conviction for nationalism, in spite of renunciation of active independent movement. I believe that the representative person was Kim Kyo-Shin (1901- 1945), who maintained the Christian faith and national spirit went together and published the journal, Bible-Chosun. He was known as a type of native Christianity, so-called “Christianity born in Chosun”.¹³ Also Kim was a “creative restoration of national identity”.¹⁴

The second group is characterized by those imprisoned due to their participation in the March 1st Independence Movement and that had decided to concentrate just on church-life after being released from prison. For example, Rev. Joo Gi-Cheol and Rev. Lee Yong-Do (1901-1933) had no more concerns on national independence. Yet most of them did not hesitate to resist against the Japanese suppression, if what the Japanese demanded was idolatry, such as a worship of the Japanese Shindoism.

The third group not only turned away from national activities, but also cooperated with the Japanese Government. Such as Choi Nam-Sun (1890-1957), who as a typical nationalist (non-Christian) drafted the Independence Declaration in 1919, and turned to pro-Japanese activity. Of course it can be assumed that it was forced through threat and appeasement from the Japanese governing- power. Nevertheless, many famous patriotic nationalists changed their attitudes to pro-Japanese at that time.

In 1938, the General Assembly of the Korean Presbyterian Church eventually determined to agree with Japanese Shindo-worship. This determination of the Korean church would be considered as “Submission to Japanese Statism”.¹⁵ In my opinion, the concept of “Statism” is a “variant nationalism”. The Assembly insisted that Shindo-worship is not religious, but civil and national. Instead of the powerless and right-less Korean state, they selected the Japanese sovereignty as their own nation.

Conclusion

At the initial period of Protestant introduction, Korea was in an inferior political situation in between strong countries. Through compulsory treaties, Korea

opened with an expectation of enlightenment and self-strengthening of nation.

Protestantism was also expected to be helpful for the modernization of Korea.

Because of this reason we can say, that early Protestantism had political and national character.

However, after the Protectorate Treaty in 1905 (Eulsabohojoyak) and the Japanese Annexation of Korea in 1910, many missionaries and Korean Christian leaders taught their belief, that political activities for national independence may not be faithful to Christianity. This change can be called an internalization of the Christian faith, and the beginning point of such internalization was the Pyeongyang great revival movement in 1907.

The U. S. government permitted tacitly the Japanese invasion and governing of Korea, and the non-political attitude of American missionaries also meant the same stand-point. Therefore, I would like to define this period, from the introduction of the Protestantism to the Japanese annexation in 1910, as a period of “tension between Christian nationalism and non-political faith of missionaries”.

From 1910 to 1919, the character of Protestant nationalism was at the head of the independence movement. We can define this period as a “resistant, nationalistic Protestantism”. After the March 1st Independence Movement, the character of Protestantism on nationalism was divided in at least three ways as I have written, such as “faithful resistance with nationalism”, “faithful resistance against religious suppression” and “change to Statism”. This differentiation occurred not simultaneously, but separately in time until 1945.

Here I did not refer to any nationalists, who did not give up their violent resistance for independence of the nation. They left the institutional church, which did not allow any kind of resistance against the Japanese Statism. They were also Protestant Christians, but it is not easy to define whether they resisted against colonialism violently on a foundation of Christian faith.

References

1 This paper follows the ‘Romanization Regulation of the Korean Language’ (July 7, 2000; the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism), and names are given in the normal Korean sequence.

2 Song, G. H.: The Nation and Christianity under Japanese Rule (Original title: Iljeha Gukgawa Gidokgyo), in: Minjokjuuiwa Gidokgyo (Nationalism and Christianity), Seoul, Minjungsa, (1981), 81.

3 Hong, K. M.: A Study on the Modern Protestantism in Korea (Original title: Hanguk Geundae Gae- singyosa Yeongu), Seoul, Gyeonginmunwhasa, 2000, 65-66.

4 Hong, K. M.: Formation of Korean Protestantism and its Political Nature, in: Korea Journal 23:12, (1983), 23.

5 natIonal InStItuteof Korean HIStory (ed.): A History of Korean Independence Movement I (Original title: Hanguk Dokrip Undongsa I), Seoul, Tamgudang, 1965, 1016.

6 Hong, K. M.: Formation of Korean Protestantism and its Political Nature, in: Korea Journal 23:12, (1983), 24.

7 Ibid.

8 noH, C. J.: A Study of Korean Protestant Nationalistic Movement under the Japanese Rule (Original title: Iljeha Hanguk Gidokgyo Minjokjuui Yeongu), Seoul, The Institute for Korean Church His- tory, 1993, 114-130.

9 Ibid., 132.

10 S^HIn, S. g.: My Autobiography, The March 1st Independence Movement, (Original title: Jaseo, 3.1 Dokrip Undong), in: Sindonga, (1969 March), 206f.

11 Hong, K. M.: Formation of Korean Protestantism and its Political Nature, in: Korea Journal 23:12, (1983), 27.

12 ParK, H.: Keep Your Faith, (Original title: Mideumeul Jikyeora), Seoul, Enchongmunwhahyeo- phoe, 1941, 218. Quoted from Noh, 138.

13 yang, H. H.: Yun Chi-Ho and Kim Kyo-Shin, (Original title: Yun Chi-Howa Kim Kyo-Shin), Seoul, Hanwool, 1994, 17.

14 Ibid.

15 ParK, y. K.: A Study on the History of the Chosun Presbyterian Church focusing on the Submission to Japanese Statism during 1930s, (Original title: Gukgajuuie Gulbokhan 1930 Yeondae Chosun Yesugyo Jangrogyohoeui Yeoksa), Seoul, Grisim, 2008, 436-437.

Nationalism and Biblical Symbols in the

Anti-Japanese Movement of the Protestant Church in Korea, 1884-1919

Introduction

The first Protestant missionary reached Korea in 1884 when Japanese influence was starting to grow¹. Officially annexed by Japan in 1910, Korea was not liberated until 1945. Early Korean Christians were educated not to participate in socio- political affairs by American missionaries. Despite the missionaries’ teachings, early Korean Christians staged anti-colonial resistance for the sake of national independence. This article critically reviews the factors which caused the Korean Christians to actively participate in the anti-Japanese movement.

As Korean Christians understood their context under Japanese rule, biblical symbols such as liberation (Exodus) and millennial hope (Revelation) functioned as the driving force behind social and political change. The power of these symbols in addition to national consciousness in the independence movement during the Japanese occupation of Korea will be expounded in this paper. This study covers the period from the first Protestant mission (1884) to the March 1^st Independence Movement (Samil Undong) of 1919,² the apex of the anti-Japanese struggle.

The Socio-Political Milieu of the Anti-Japanese Movement

The Korean church had been taught to be conservative and indifferent to political affairs from the outset by the missionaries. At the end of the nineteenth century, Protestant Christianity was first introduced to Korea. At the same time, the country was in the process of being annexed by Japan. Christians with national consciousness took the lead in anti-Japanese struggles. The national independence movement, however, was never supported by missionaries.

Missionaries (mostly Americans) were against the participation of Korean Christians in the political movement. In fact, missionaries attempted to prevent such anti-Japanese endeavors by all available means.

Japan’s victory over China in the Sino-Japanese War of 1895 and over Russia in the Russo-Japanese War of 1904 decisively gave Japan the upper hand in controlling Korea among international powers. With the Portsmouth Conference of 1905, which terminated the Russo-Japanese War, Japanese hegemony of Korea was internationally recognized. Together with Britain, the United States promptly approached Japan to ascertain Tokyo’s understanding of Washington’s trusteeship of the Philippines, and thus, came to actively defend Japan’s special interests in Korea. The overall pro-Japanese nature of American missionaries should be understood from the perspective of such international relations as well as their own conservatism.³

In 1905, a protectorate treaty was signed which gave Korea’s sovereignty to Japan. The office of the Japanese Resident General was opened in Seoul as the supreme authority. Japanese military police soon landed in Korea to seize judicial rights and the Korean Royal Army was disbanded. The missionaries led a revival movement in 1907 and the main features of these revival meetings were confession and repentance of sins after a convicting sermon and loud prayers in unison. Korean church historian George Paik suggests three reasons for this Great Revival Movement of 1907: a sense of failure, a desire for deeper spiritual experience, and the deliberate efforts of the missionaries.⁴

Most mission reports on these revival meetings were limited in focus to immoral sins and did not mention the political unrest of Korea. The complete absence in these reports of how Korean Christians dealt with their intense feeling about the destiny of their nation is remarkable.⁵ It should be noticed that the newspaper Korea Daily News (Taehan Maeil Sinbo),⁶ which usually criticized the

Japanese aggression policy of the Japanese imperialists and defended Korean independence ethos, almost ignored the Revival Movement of 1907, whereas a British newspaper The London Times allotted large spaces to the movement day after day. This most likely had something to do with Britain’s pro-Japanese policy at that time. At any rate, missionaries’ disregard to historical reference in describing the “spiritual” revival experience is conspicuously incongruent with the circumstances of that time.⁷

After the Eulsa Treaty or Korea-Japan Protectorate Treaty of 1905 was signed,⁸ the Christians’ nationalistic movement gradually transformed from prayer to active anti-Japanese efforts.⁹ The treaty had made Japan the virtual ruler of Korea, and five years later this was actualized at the Korea-Japan Annexation Treaty (1910).

After the annexation, the national consciousness of Korean Christians developed more than ever. An American missionary to Korea and mission historian, Samuel H. Moffett remarked, “The annexation was a humiliating blow to a proud and sensitive people… Nationalist sentiments boiled in Christian circles, though missionaries counseled moderation and sought to avoid involvement in political problems.”¹⁰

The Mission Policy of Depoliticization and Other- Worldliness

The early American missionaries to Korea were of a strongly conservative and evangelical theology.¹¹ This has become the characterizing traits of Protestant Christianity in Korea. Missionaries who were trained against the background of conservatism did not fully realize the socio-political implications of the gospel.

As early as August 1902, Arthur Judson Brown (1856-1963), secretary of the Board of Foreign Missions of the Presbyterian Church in the USA, reported about the relations of American missionaries to the authorities concerned in Korea as follows:

The missionaries [in Korea] strongly believe with the [mission] boards at home that all respects should be paid to the lawfully constituted civil authorities… not to needlessly embarrass them… it is better for the disciples of Christ to patiently endure some injustice than to array Christianity in antagonism to the governments under which

they labor. … Already ambitious political leaders have tried to enlist the cooperation of the Korean Christians, but the missionaries have promptly and decisively prevented the consummation of the intrigues. I believe with them that it would be as indeed as it would be suicidal to allow the infant [Korean] Church to array itself against the government.¹²

When Korea became the protectorate of Japan in 1905, missionaries were sympathetic toward Koreans because they were losing their political sovereignty.

At the same time, missionaries realized that future missionary work depended on the favorable attitude of the Japanese regime. Brown explicitly stated,

They [American missionaries] are on friendly terms with the government and officials, and they are determined that by no act of theirs, and by no rashness of the Korean whom they control, shall the Church be led into a position which would surely result in tumult, persecution, and perhaps irretrievable disaster.¹³

In the same article as above, Brown contended that the Korean church should distance itself from all political matters. He went on to say, “No Christian should make the mistake which Moses made when he smote the Egyptian and ‘supposed that God by his hand was giving deliverance.’”¹⁴ Brown was not concerned about the missionaries because he was convinced that they fully understood the importance of political neutrality. Consequently, missionaries actively discouraged nationalistic actions taken by Korean Christians. Thus, they kept a politically neutral stance for the mission.

Most of the pioneer missionaries in Korea followed this line of thinking.

A letter written to Brown, the secretary of the mission board of the Presbyterian Church of America, on February 5, 1908 by Charles Allen Clark (1878-1961) of the Northern Presbyterian mission clearly revealed the same position by field missionaries on depoliticization:

As to the Board’s action for a neutral policy concerning political matters, it does not change by one iota our mission policy for it has always been rigidly held and enforced… We believe that the church as a church has absolutely nothing to do twith politics in any way…

The church is a spiritual organization and as such is not concerned with politics.¹⁵

As a result, many missionaries welcomed the colonial rule of the Japanese in Korea. Arthur Brown went so far as to say that “the Japanese administration is far better than Korea would otherwise have had and far better than Korea had under its own rule.”¹⁶ It’s shocking to find that Brown even argued that “in the evolution of the race and the development of the plan of God, the time had come when it was for the best interests of the world and for the welfare of the Koreans themselves that Korea should come under the tutelage of Japan.”¹⁷

Korea was, in the eyes of Western missionaries, a very backward and primitive country, not only pagan in religion but also behind in civilization. Some missionaries thought that they could work together with Japan to introduce into Korea a new faith and a new civilization. Missionaries looked upon Japan as the introducer of an advanced civilization to Korea, not as an imperial power. This was especially true of Arthur Brown. In his book, The Mastery of the Far East, Brown devoted an entire chapter to the “Benefits of Japanese Rule in Korea.” Speaking in favor of the colonial expansion of Japan, Brown argued:

They [Japanese] were forced to occupy Korea to prevent a Russian occupation, which would have menaced their own independence as a nation… the Koreans could not be independent anyway under present conditions in the Far East, and they are far better off under the Japanese than they were under their own rulers or than they would have been under the Russians… They [Japanese] have made some mistakes… but on the whole their work in Korea has been beneficent in many ways… His alien masters are, as a rule, more just with him than the native officials were prior to Japanese occupation.¹⁸

Ironically, exactly two months after the publication of Brown’s book, the nationwide anti-colonial movement broke out in Korea on March 1^st, 1919.

At the start of the twentieth century, Japan’s aggressive colonialism was closely linked with Shintoism. Under the divine rule of their Emperor, the Japanese believed it to be their role to rule over Asia. Their aggression was a holy one, designed to bring peace to the conquered nation as conquered nations enjoyed the benefits of Japanese culture. The Japanese so believed in their superiority that

they thought they were doing a favor to the nations they invaded. Additionally, some of the Japanese Christians, especially the Japanese Congregational Church, understood the Japanese annexation of Korea as the conquest of Canaan and thought it justified.¹⁹ These Christians of the Congregational Church quoted Deuteronomy 31:7-8²⁰ in their belief that Korea was the promised land that God had sworn.²¹

The missionary acceptance of the Japanese occupation became the officially accepted position of the Korean church. Many American missionaries endorsed the occupation, justifying this stance with the teaching of Jesus, who said: “So give back to Caesar what is Caesar’s” (Matthew 22:21), and of Paul, who said:

“Everyone must submit to the governing authorities, for there is no authority except that which God has established” (Romans 13:1). In 1910, the Korean Presbyterian Church which was under the control of the missionaries made the following resolution:

The church is dedicated to God, not designed for the discussion of national affairs. Churches and chapels are facilities for church service but not the place to discuss national affairs.²²

Missionaries not only declared their own neutrality on political affairs but also wanted to neutralize the Korean church and Korean Christians. Missionary neutrality on political affairs was designed specifically to reduce the fears and suspicions of the Japanese colonial regime and to protect future mission work. Missionaries most likely felt that any political action could jeopardize the chance to preach the gospel. This situation effectively made them depoliticize the church, at least on the official level. While Protestant churches served as “a safe place” for Korean patriots to promote their nationalistic ends and carry out activities to mobilize against the Japanese, the political neutrality of missionaries made many national-minded Koreans leave the church.²³

As mentioned above, the Korean church was nurtured to be conservative and apolitical. This became one of the typical characteristics of the Korean Christian community under the missionary leadership: i.e., “other-worldly” consciousness.²⁴ Christians were trained to seek utopia in the other world. The natural consequence was the suppression of any social thinking about political matters. This was an almost deliberate policy of the missionaries. They suppressed any socio-political

thinking. After the annexation of Korea by Japan in 1910, Arthur Brown argues that:

As a matter of fact, the missionaries, in so far as they have touched political matters at all, have used their great influence to induce the Koreans to acquiesce in Japanese rule. Indeed, it has often been said that if it had not been for the missionaries, a revolution would have broken out when Korea was annexed to Japan. The Japanese fully appreciate this.²⁵

Following this line of thinking, the missionaries incessantly preached that the duty of every Christian was not to engage in political affairs. Some Christians suspected of political activity were denied from responsible positions in the church, and in some cases were excommunicated. They were even treated as heretics.

To promote satisfactory relations between the missionaries and the Japanese in Korea… they[mission boards] and the missionaries continued to… cultivate friendly relations with the  Japanese officials… and teach the Korean Christians to respect and obey the lawfully constituted authorities; limit their activities to missionary duties and keep themselves and, as far as possible, the Korean churches wholly apart from all political matters.²⁶

The Korean Christians were encouraged to recognize the Japanese power as the absolute legal master of Korea. As a result, the missionaries tried to foster amicable relations with the Japanese authorities during the colonial period.

Despite the missionaries’ intent, circumstances in Korea pushed the Korean church in a direction the missionaries had not intended.

Biblical Symbols and Nationalism in the Anti-Japanese Resistance Movement

The theological understanding of the early Korean Protestant Church was based entirely on the teachings of the first missionaries to Korea. They were

theologically conservative and antagonistic toward higher biblical criticism and liberal theology. Thus, the early church had an extremely other-worldly view of salvation. It did not consider the implications of the gospel for those suffering in this world. Political matters were not discussed in the churches. Considering the efforts of the missionaries to depoliticize the church, it’s significant to note that Korean Christians played a central role in the March 1^st Independence Movement of 1919.²⁷ That is to say, the missionaries’ attempt to separate church and politics was not wholly successful.²⁸ Although the missionaries resolutely sought to keep the churches aloof from all political movements, it was in vain.

Even though the Korean Christians gladly responded to the message of the gospel, the progressive shift toward “this-worldly” disposition can be found in the anti-Japanese activities of the newly fledged church. After the Protectorate Treaty of 1905, the Korean Christians began to interpret their callings as increasingly

“this-worldly” in purpose and scope. After the annexation in 1910, the national consciousness of Koreans was awakened more than ever. At the same time, many Korean Christians hoped that “in Christianity they would find the answer to national weakness and their personal insecurity.”²⁹ These new “this-worldly”

impulses stepped beyond approved doctrinal boundaries and these climaxed in the March 1^st Independence Movement of 1919.

In 1918, at the end of World War I, Woodrow Wilson (1856-1924), President of the United States, set forth ‘the doctrine of self-determination’ of small nations.

The changes taking place around the world encouraged the Korean people to believe that a new age of peace had arrived. Thus, the people reached the consensus that now was the time to achieve independence. This group included Christian churches, nationalist leaders, and a few Buddhists, who were also encouraged by Korean nationalists abroad. On February 22, 1919, the Emperor of Korea, Gojong, passed away. His funeral was the event which sparked the national movement. Mourners gathered from all over the nation and many traveled to Seoul to pay their respects. It was at this time that the nationalists prepared the Korean Declaration of Independence. The declaration was signed by 33 influential leaders: 16 Christians (Protestant), 15 Cheondogyo (Religion of the Heavenly Way) adherents, and 2 Buddhists.

The March 1^st Independence Movement was carried out as an entirely voluntary movement of the Korean people. No foreign missionaries had any part in the preparation of the movement. To defend their innocence, missionaries

stated: “No missionaries could have such a foolish idea of fighting Japan, one of the world powers, without a single weapon.”³⁰ American Methodist Bishop Herbert Welch (1862-1968), who was in charge of Japan and Korean mission, expressed discontent at the fact that the Korean independence declaration was read at many churches.³¹ Korean Christians played a pivotal role in the anti- Japanese movement. It was mostly Christians who planned and executed the fight for freedom. They also served as messengers across the country through the church which served as a nationwide organizational network.³²

Regarding the early Korean Christians, Brown wrote that they were theologically conservative. They did not have questions about biblical miracles and believed everything missionaries had taught them. He went on to say that “The account of the Garden of Eden, the experience of Jonah, the virgin birth of our Lord, the resurrection of Lazarus, and of the gates of pearls and streets of pure gold in the Heavenly City were taken as historical descriptions of actual facts.”³³

However, the Bible and the Christian message were not apolitical or neutral to the political situation in Korea. Because the Korean Christians took the Word literally, they applied the biblical symbols directly to their historical experience.

They interpreted the Bible stories as symbolizing their own experiences. Old Testament stories describing the national deliverance of Israel were taken to heart as promising Korean deliverance, with the Christians being at the forefront of the nationalistic movement.

A key aspect of the contextualization of the Christian message was the adoption of biblical stories. Two of the most beloved and frequently employed sermon texts were Exodus and the Babylonian captivity of Israel.³⁴ Korean believers whole-heartedly believed the God of Israel was with them. They identified themselves with Israel in the Book of Exodus. The story of Moses functioned as a powerful symbol to fight the oppressive evil force, the Japanese colonial power.

Koreans read the plight of Israel in Egypt as their own and regarded the Japanese as the Egyptians and other Old Testament oppressors such as the Assyrians and the Babylonians. Korean Christians strongly desired liberation from oppression.

In public prayers at church, they would often ask, “Send us a leader like Moses, who can lead us from the present bondage to liberation.”³⁵

Coincidentally, Korea was then called ‘Chosen’ which paralleled with Israel, God’s chosen people. The symbolic identification of oppressed Koreans with Israelites in Egyptian bondage gradually increased hope for freedom among

Korean Christians. They believed that if they turned to God, He would deliver them from the tyranny of the oppressors. In this sense, the metaphors and symbolic language of Exodus directly applied to the Sitz im Leben of the Korean people.

The Book of Revelation was another popular text among the Christians as it offered hope to a suffering people. Korean pastors often quoted from this book in church services. The depiction of the Roman Empire was a powerful symbol to describe Japan’s political oppression. It promised the coming of the Messiah and the destruction of the colonial power, with the anti-Christ naturally symbolizing the Japanese oppressors³⁶ (Kim 1981:110; Kim and Kim 2010:219). These symbols were used by the Korean people to make sense of their historical situation. The language and symbols of Revelation had immediacy for the Korean Christians at that time. The cross was also regarded as symbolic of the people’s suffering.³⁷ The Messiah and the second coming  were the promise of a restored Korea, a Kingdom established in this world.

Furthermore, around the outbreak of the March 1^st Independence Movement, a leaflet entitled Tokripdan Tonggomun (Notification Statement of the Korean Independent League) was distributed to the Christians who participated in the movement. It reads as follows:

Our esteemed and noble Independent League members, do not insult the Japanese, throw stones at them, or beat them with your fists. Christians should pray three times a day, fast on Sunday, and read the Bible every day. Read Isaiah chapter 10 on Monday, Jeremiah chapter 12 on Tuesday, Deuteronomy chapter 28 on Wednesday, James chapter 5 on Thursday, Isaiah chapter 59 on Friday, and Romans chapter 8 on Saturday.³⁸

The topics of the reading differed each day. Monday’s topic was God’s punishment against Assyria for destroying Israel. On Tuesday, it was the explanation for Judah’s destruction. Wednesday’s reading looked at the invasion of Israel and her suffering from other nations. Thursday was about encouragement for suffering Christians to pray and endure. Friday subject highlighted how God will save when a sinful people repents. Last but not least, the passage for Saturday mentioned how the present suffering is nothing compared to the glory that will appear in the future.

The leaflet clearly demonstrates “the strong influence of non-violence of Protestantism”³⁹ and the power of the biblical symbols for the participants of the March 1^st Movement. The biblical symbols functioned as a catalyst for the anti-Japanese movement. These Scriptures served as a motive for Christians to continue to participate in the March 1^st Movement without losing hope in the midst of suffering.

The language of the coming of Israel’s Messiah, “the new heaven and the new earth,” and “the new Jerusalem” might seem like distant or unreal language. For the oppressed Koreans, however, these “eschatological” symbols were powerful enough to make sense of their own history and to provide hope and vision for the future.⁴⁰ In the course of the anti-Japanese movement, this symbolic language became an important tool for the Korean Christians to perceive their historical experience under Japanese rule. The combination of these factors created a remarkable result in which Korean Christians could never become other-worldly, nor politically neutral.

In response, the Japanese police kept close watch on all public meetings and worship services held at the church and Christian institutions.⁴¹ Under strict surveillance of the Japanese police, every utterance of preachers and pastors was carefully scrutinized.⁴² It was not surprising that the Japanese colonial government banned the Korean church’s preaching from the text of Exodus and singing hymnals that could foster the spirit of freedom.⁴³ Simply put, Koreans had applied the Bible message to their present context.

Concluding Remarks

Protestant Christianity grew to be the most promising resource for Korea to withstand the oppression of the colonial power of Japan. From 1905 onwards, Korean pastors equated the struggles of Moses against Pharaoh with that of their own against the Japanese. There can be no doubt that this was in the minds of Koreans as they expounded the Bible story. They had a keen sense that what was happening in their day resonated with the experience of Israel in the Old Testament. Korean Christians clearly realized that scripture remained a dead letter without addressing their situation.

Thus, Christianity and Korean nationalism became inextricably linked, and the collaboration of the two paved the way for the rather quick and easy acceptance of the gospel message. Korean Christians, especially under Japanese colonial rule, endeavored to seek meaningful interpretations of life and the world.

Answers to particularly pressing questions on oppression and suffering required relevant interpretations of the Bible. As for the Korean Christians’ exposition of Scripture, they did not hesitate to read the Bible in the light of the events and circumstances of their time.

The biblical symbols were closely related to the socio-political experience of the Korean people. The metaphors and symbolic language provided the oppressed with a new perspective and a transforming power for their historical reality.

This gave impetus to Korean Christians to save their nation from the Japanese imperial power. This also meant that they could never become completely other- worldly. Missionaries sought salvation through other-worldliness, but Korean Christians sought salvation through this-worldliness. The same political situation in Korea was the driving force behind the opposite actions between the two parties: Korean Christians and American missionaries.

History shows that nationalism and Christianity have always been “uneasy bedfellows.” The relationship between Christianity and nationalism in most regions of Asia in the twentieth century was “in mutual opposition.” In fact, outside of Korea, Christianity was branded as the “western colonial oppressor,” leading to Asian nationalism assuming an “anti-Christian character.”⁴⁴ However, Korea did not regard Christianity as a vanguard of Western colonialism, since Japan was the more immediate and threatening colonial power. Korea stands out as an exceptional case where Christianity and nationalism became complementary partners prompting the willing reception of the biblical narratives as a messianic message of much waited hope and liberation.

References

1 This paper has been revised after being presented during the 3rd Han-Hun (Korea-Hungary) Theological Forum, 8-12 January 2018, at Sárospatak Reformed Theological University, Hungary.

2 The March 1^st Independence Movement of 1919 was the largest nationwide, non-violent demonstration for Korean independence from Japan.

3 KIM, S. C. H. and KIM, K.: A History of Korean Christianity, New York, Cambridge University Press, 2015, 119-127.

4 PaIK, g. L.: The History of Protestant Missions in Korea, 1832-1910, Seoul, Yonsei University Press, 1971, 370.

5 Institute of Korean Church History Studies: A History of the Korean Church, vol.1, Seoul, The Christian Literature Press, 1989, 276.

6 The Korea Daily Newspaper (Taehan Maeil Sinbo), which was launched in July 1904, strenuously covered the anti-Japanese struggle, often criticizing the aggression policy of the Japanese colonial government. However, after the Korea-Japan merger treaty in August 1910, the newspaper was forcibly terminated by the Japanese imperialists.

7 Song, K. H.: A History of the Christian Movement in Korea, in: International Review of Mission 74 (1985 January), 24.

8 The Eulsa Protectorate Treaty (1905) deprived Korea of its diplomatic rights.

9 Song, K. H.: A History of the Christian Movement in Korea, in: International Review of Mission 74 (1985 January), 21.

10 Moffett, S. H.: The Christians of Korea, New York, Friendship Press, 1962, 67.

11 Brown, secretary of the mission board of the American Presbyterian Church, observed the characteristics of American missionaries to Korea as follows: “The typical missionary of the first quarter century after the opening of the country was a man of the Puritan type. He kept the Sabbath as our New England forefathers did a century ago. He looked upon dancing, smoking, and card-playing as sins in which no true followers of Christ should indulge. In theology and biblical criticism, he was strongly conservative, and he held as a vital truth the premillenarian view of the second coming of Christ. The higher criticism and liberal theology were deemed dangerous heresies… The Korean converts naturally reproduced the prevailing type.” Brown, a. J.: The Mastery of the Far East: The Story of Korea’s Transformation and Japan’s Rise to Supremacy in the Orient, New York, Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1919, 540.

12 Brown, A.: Politics and Missions in Korea, in: The Missionary Review of the World 15 (1902 March), 187-188. This was the most widely read mission magazine among Protestant missionaries at the time.

13 Brown, A.: Politics and Missions in Korea, in: The Missionary Review of the World 15 (1902 March), 187-188.

14 Brown, A.: Politics and Missions in Korea, in: The Missionary Review of the World 15 (1902 March), 188.

15 Charles Allen Clark’s letter to Arthur Brown, February 5, 1908, Presbyterian Historical Society.

16 Arthur Brown’s letter to Masanao Hanihara, February 16, 1912, quoted from: K^ang, W. J.: Religion

and Politics in Korea under the Japanese Rule, New York, The Edwin Mellen Press, 1987, 14.

Hanihara (1876-1934), a Japanese diplomat, worked at the Japanese Embassy at Washington D.C. from 1902.

17 Brown, A. J.: The Mastery of the Far East: The Story of Korea’s Transformation and Japan’s Rise to Supremacy in the Orient, New York, Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1919, 372. See also g^runder, H.:

Christian Mission and Colonial Expansion: Historical and Structural Connections, in: Mission Studies 12 (1995), 18-29 and Strong, J.: The Anglo-Saxon and the World’s Future, in: Our Country:

Its Possible Future and Its Present Crisis, New York, The Baker & Taylor Co., 1891.

18 Brown, A. J.: The Mastery of the Far East: The Story of Korea’s Transformation and Japan’s Rise to Supremacy in the Orient, New York, Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1919, 372-374.

19 The primary source for this information comes from a Japanese journal. “Chosen under the Occupation of the Greater Japanese Empire,” Gospel News 792 (September 1, 1910).

20 “Be strong and courageous, for the LORD will go before you, and will be with you, and he will not leave your nor forsake you. Do not be afraid or discouraged.”

21 SuH, J. M.: The Understanding of Korea by the Japanese Christianity, Seoul, Hanwool Academy, 2000, 147. loCK, L. J.: The Influence of Japanese Imperialism on Korean Church’s Understanding of the Old Testament, in: Theology and Society 15 (2001), 419.

22 Song, K. H.: A History of the Christian Movement in Korea, in: International Review of Mission 74 (1985 January), 23. See also yI, M. Y.: Korean Christianity and National Consciousness, Seoul, Jisiksanupsa, 1991, 19.

23 KIM, S. C. H. and KIM, K.: A History of Korean Christianity, New York, Cambridge University Press, 2015, 110. gulICK, S. L.: The Winning of the Far East: A Study of the Christian Movement in China, Korea and Japan, London, Hodder & Stoughton, 1923, 80. Gulick (1860-1945), an American missionary to Japan from 1888-1913, is well-known for his excessive pro-Japanese view. He observed that the annexation of Korea by Japan in 1910 brought about delicate and difficult problems to both missionaries and the Japanese colonial government. He also noted that Korean patriots attempted to make use of the Churches to promote their patriotic ends and thus confused politics and religion.

24 The concepts of ‘this-worldliness’ and ‘other-worldliness’ were coined by Weber. weBer, M.:

The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, ParSonS, T. trans., New York, Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1958, 39-46.

25 Brown, A. J.: The Mastery of the Far East: The Story of Korea’s Transformation and Japan’s Rise to Supremacy in the Orient, New York, Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1919, 574.

26 Brown, A. J.: The Mastery of the Far East: The Story of Korea’s Transformation and Japan’s Rise to Supremacy in the Orient, New York, Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1919, 582.

27 This nationwide uprising and resistance lasted for more than a year. According to an announcement by the Japanese resident-general, there were 3,200 anti-Japan demonstrations from 1 March through 31 December 1919, in which 19,525 persons were arrested, including 14 Shichongyo followers, 55 Catholics, 2,283 Chondogyo adherents and 3,373 Protestants. lee, C. S.: The Politics of Korean Nationalism, Berkeley, University of California Press, 1965, 115.

28 The mission policy of the mission board and missionaries on political matters was oriented toward the interest of the survival and promotion of the mission work under Japanese rule.

29 latourette, K. S.: Christianity in a Revolutionary Age: A History of Christianity in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries Volume III The Nineteenth Century outside Europe, The Americas, the Pacific, Asia, and Africa, Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan Publishing House, 1976, 449.

30 MIn, K. B.: A History of Christian Churches in Korea, Seoul, Yonsei University Press, 2005, 311.

31 welCH, B. H.: The Missionary Significance of the Last Ten Years: A Survey in Korea, in: International Review of Missions 11 (1922 July), 342.

32 SPeer, R. E.: Mission and Politics in Asia: Studies of the Spirit of the Eastern Peoples, the Present Making of History in Asia, and the Part therein of Christian Mission, New York, Fleming H. Revell, 1898, 287.

33 Brown, A. J.: The Mastery of the Far East: The Story of Korea’s Transformation and Japan’s Rise to Supremacy in the Orient, New York, Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1919, 540.

34 ParK, Q. H.: Christian Faith and National Consciousness in Protestant Sermons during the Japanese Occupation, in: History of Korean Christianity 39 (2013 September), 254-255.

35 lee, S. T.: Religion and Social Formation in Korea: Minjung and Millenarianism, Berlin, Mouton de Gruyter, 1996, 146.

36 KIM, Y. B.: Korean Christianity as a Messianic Movement of the People, in Minjung Theology:

People as the Subjects of History (ed.): The Commission on Theological Concerns of the Christian Conference of Asia, Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books, 1981, 110. See also KIM, K.: Christianity’s Role in the Modernization and Revitalization of Korean Society in the Twentieth-Century, in:

International Journal of Public Theology 4 (2010), 219.

37 The most significant portion of the study of Jesus for the history of the people of Korea had to do with His crucifixion under Pontius Pilate. Thus, the language of Jesus’ cross was the language of the suffering of the Korean people.

38 The original source was reprinted in A History of Korean Independence Movement I, 1977.

(Original title: Hanguk Dokrip Undongsa I 1977), KIM, B. J.: Ginyeom-saeophoe, Seoul, 1920, 57.

39 CHoI, S.: Placing and Displacing Martyrdom: Martyr-Making in the Protestant Church in Korea, Ph.D. diss., University of Edinburgh, 2012, 91.

40 Joo, S. J.: The Early Protestant Missionaries’ Preaching in the Korean Church 1884-1934, Th.M.

thesis, Columbia, Theological Seminary, 1991, 79.

41 Referring to the Japanese brutality against Koreans after the March 1^st Movement, Samuel Austin Moffett of American Presbyterian mission wrote that “On the 18th [of April, 1919], the Japanese came again… and said the [Korean] Christians had been deceived by the ‘foreign devils,’ were an ignorant low down lot of people and should be driven out to go and live with the Americans who had corrupted them, that there was nothing in the Bible about

‘Independence’ and the shouting of ‘Mansei.’” A Note of Samuel A. Moffett, around April, 19, 1919, Pyongyang, Korea.

42 gulICK, S. L.: The Winning of the Far East: A Study of the Christian Movement in China, Korea and Japan, London, Hodder & Stoughton, 1923, 80-81 lee, C. S.: The Politics of Korean Nationalism, Berkeley, University of California Press, 1965, 114-118.

43 oH, Y. T.: History of the Interchange of Japan and Korean Religion, Tokyo: Shingyo Press, 1968, 270.; Jang, I. S.: Themes of the Old Testament Theology, Seoul, The Christian Literature Society of Korea, 1994, 106.

44 Stanley, B.: Nationalism and Christianity: Friend or Foe? Reflections from East Asian Experience in the Twentieth Century, (paper presented at the special lecture delivered at the Center for World Mission of PUTS, Seoul, Korea, October 22, 2015).

A Formation of Christian Nationalism in Korean Protestantism

after Liberation Period

Human Resources, Material Resources, and Policy Resources

Introduction

In 1945, there were about 5,500 churches and about 400,000 Protestants in Korea.¹ The Protestant population became about 600,000 in 1950, but the number of Korean Protestants was still under 5% of the Korean population. 70 years since Korean Protestantism became the largest and the most influential religion in Korea. After the first Protestant missionaries came into Korea in 1884, Korean Protestantism had experienced a remarkable growth and finally became the largest and the most influential religion in Korea. According to a 2015 census compiled by the Korean government, 19.7% of the population (about 9.7 millions) belongs to Protestantism, 15.5% to Buddhism (7.6 millions), and 7.9% to the Catholicism (3.9 millions).² The rest belongs to various new religions including Won Buddhism, Cheondoism, and Jeungsando.³

According to a survey by the Department of Public Information in United States Army Military Government in Korea (USAMGIC, hereafter the USMG) in August 1946, 70% of Koreans preferred socialism, 14% capitalism, 7% communism, and 8% had no preference.⁴ Considering the illiteracy rate was about 70% of the Korean population during the Liberation period, there might be a possibility that only the intellectuals could respond to the survey. Even though there might be different interpretations on their backgrounds of the preference, it was true