The real weight of the alliance system was shown by the fact that the son of Emperor Peter de Courtenay, Robert, the elected and would be ruler of Constantinople travelled to the City Guarded by Angels through the conti-nent, stopping in Hungary and Bulgaria. The count of Auxerre did choose the inland route consciously, since he started his way in the autumn of 1220, and, having no real hope of reaching for Constantinople until the beginning of the winter and crossing over the Balkan mountains being out of the question, he did strive to stay for the winter months in Hungary.47 The normal route to travel to Constantinople would have otherwise been a naval one, most often the Latins crossed the Mediterranean from Italian coastal towns, mainly from Brindisi and did not risk an inland journey, not to speak of a winter one. All things consi-dered, it seem it is most probable that it was a political decision, not forgetting the factor that the naval route must have been much cheaper than crossing the whole continent from Auxerre to Byzantium with an entourage and baggage.
There must have been a real, political reason behind: Robert must have wished to start his reign having negotiations with the prime movers of the political constellation of Eastern and South-Eastern Europe, Hungary and Bulgaria.
He spent a number of months, probably from November to late February in Hungary – the only exact date we know is March 25, 1221 when Robert was crowned emperor at the Hagia Sophia, that is, he should have reached the city by this time –, he received great honour and was welcomed as a distinguished guest of the royal house of the Árpáds. We do not know much of the itinerary of King Andrew II in these years, he did not go on a campaign in the given time,
46 John V. A. Fine, The Late Medieval Balkans. A Critical Survey from the late Twelfth Century to the Ottoman Conquest, Ann Arbor, University of Michigan Press, 1987, pp. 97–98; Jürgen Schmitt, “Balkanpolitik der Arpaden in den Jahren 1180–1241”, Ungarn-Jahrbuch, 17, 1989, pp. 25–52, p. 40; J. Longnon, L’empire latin, op. cit., p. 122.
47 Patrick van Kerrebrouck, Nouvelle histoire généalogique de l’auguste Maison de France, Tome II, Les Capétiens : 987 – 1328, Villeneuve d’Ascq, 2000, p. 461.
that is, he might have been possible to receive his illustrious guest personally, all through the months of Robert’s visit. Formally, his reason was to be to meet his sister, Yolande, Queen of Hungary, but in practice he must have intended to feel out what the rapports of his relative, the king of Hungary are with the political factors of the region, i.e. he would further continue his pro-Latin stand after the death of Empress Yolande and support the cause of the Franks against the Byzantine Epirus’ aggression, or, he would keep on furthering the friendship with Bulgaria and Nicaea the Latins the backing of whom the Latins were most in need of. That is what had to be discussed, the new terms of an old friendship.
That is why it was a most important imperial visit: Andrew II duly welcomed the imperial entourage of his “kin”, gave them food and fodder for the horses, enjoyed themselves together in hunting feats and banquets.48 What is more, the king, together with his heir and eldest son, Béla provided the Frenchmen a prin-cely escort himself up to the border of Bulgaria.49
48 First edition: “Robiers ses frères s’atorna, / Viers Hungrie s’acemina. / Venus i ert à sa se-cour, / Mult le recout à grant ounor, / Li Roy Andrius si fist sa suer, / Et s’ot tot lor auoir afuer. / Tout l’iuier furent a plenté, / Mai ne porent à volenté / Passer par la tierre sauuage. / Si fist li rois vn mariage / D’vne nieçain à cel Robert, / Et si nos fait l’estoire ciert / Que Rois Ausens l’ot et pleuie / Ki sires iert et Rrois de Servie. / Et li Rois Andrius ot vn fil / Moult preut et vaillant et gentil, / Alixandres avoit à nom, / Moult l’amoient Esclavon / Rois Ausens et li rois Andrius / Et Rois Alixandres ses fius, / Convoierent Robers d’Auçerre. / S’ot viandes cuaine et fuerre, / Tant kil vint en la tierre noble. / De Grece et de Constantinoble”. Histoire de l’Empire de Constantinople sous les empereurs françois, éd. Du Cange, p. 88; Second edition:
“Robiers ses freres s’atorna; / Vers Hungrie s’acemina, / Venus y ert á sa serour. / Mult le reciut á grant ounor; / Li roi Andrius; si fist sa suer. / Et s’ot tot lor avoir á fuer. / Tout l’ivier furent á plenté; / Mais ne porent á volenté / Passer par la tiere sauvage. / Si fist li rois un mariage / D’une niecain á cel Robert, / Et si nos fait l’estore ciert / Que rois Ausens l’ot en plevie, / Et li rois Andrius ot un fil / Mult preut et vallant et gentil; / Alixandres voit a nom. / Mult l’amoient Esclavon. / Rois Ausens et li rois Andrius / Et rois Alexandres ses fius, / Convoierent Robers D’Aucuerre; / S’ot viandes, avaine et fuerre, / Tant k’il vint en la tiere noble / Comme sire en Constantinople”. Mouskés, Chronique métrique, p. 349; The Reiffenberg edition: “Robiers, ses frères, s’atorna, / Viers Hungrie s’acemina. / Venus i est à sa serour, / Moul le reciut à grant ounor, / Li rois Andrius, si fist sa suer, / Et s’ot tout leur avoir à fuer. / Tout l’ivier furent à plenté, / Mai ne porent à volenté / Passer par la tière sauvage. / Si fist li rois I mariage / D’une niéçain à cel Robiert, / Et si nos fait l’estore ciert / Que rois Ausens l’ot et plévie / Ki sire iert et rois de Servie. / Et li rois Andrius ot I fil / Moult preut et vallant et gentil, / Alixandres avoit à non, / Et moult l’amoient Esclavon / Rois Ausens et li rois Andrius / Et rois Alixandres, ses fius, / Convoiièrent Robiert d’Aucuerre. / S’ot viandes, avainne et fuerre, / Tant k’il vint en la tière noble. / Comme sire en Constantinople”. Chronique rimée de Philippe Mouskés, éd.
Reiffenberg, t. 2, pp. 404-405. vv. 23045-23068.
49 Magyarország történelmi kronológiája [Historical chronology of Hungary], ed. Kálmán Benda, László Solymosi, 4 t., Budapest, 1983, t. 1, p. 135.
Interestingly, Philippe Mouskés is the greatest authority as regards the im-perial visit: as compared to the rather brief notes of the three other chroniclers who did at all mention it, he has a lengthy and detailed account. (The other textual fragments of Mouskés’ chronicle do not contain any part relating to Emperor Robert’s visit.50) Apart from the Tournai patrician we have rather short accounts. No matter how reliable authorities they are held, the two
“crusader” or Outremer chronicles of the age, Ernoul and Éracles do not give us further information. The Chronique Ernoul et Bernard le Trésorier is very taciturn, and, the continuator of Guillaume de Tyr, L’Estoire de Éracles Empereur, is not less, and do not say more than Robert “travelled through Hungary, where his sister is queen, and Blakie”, i.e. Bulgaria, “with the help of the king”.51 The 14th century Andrea Dandolo is to be added since he, being close to the political theatre, has reliable information being in the “centre” of medieval communication, Venice. However, he does not have more than half a sentence, not more than a briefest note.52 However, running through the reliable and authentic “crusader” narrative material of the Frankish East, the Fifth Crusade, the Latin Empire, I was surprised to find that the “ordinar-ily” applied authorities are absolutely silent about the imperial visit. There is neither a word in Jacques de Vitry’s Historia Iherosolimitana, not to mention
50 Fragment de la chronique rimée de Philippe Mousket, éd. N. de Wailly et L. Delisle, In: Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France, Paris, Palmé, t. 22, 1865, pp. 34–81; Ex Philippi Mousket “Historia regum Francorum”, ed. A. Tobler – O. Holder-Egger, MGH, Scriptores in Folio, 26, Hannover, Hahn, 1882, p. 718-821; Itinéraires à Jérusalem et descriptions de la Terre Sainte rédigés en français aux xie, xiie et xiiie siècles, publiés par Henri Michelant et Gaston Raynaud, Genève, Fick (Publications de la Société de l’Orient latin. Série géographique, 3), 1882, pp. 105–123.
51 “Cils Robers ses freres i ala, et ala par Hungherie, pour chou que li roine de Hongerie estoit se suer et qu’il ot le conduit et l’aïue le roi de Hongerie parmi se tiere et parmi Blakie. Et sau-vement ala en Constantinoble et porta corone.” [Ernoul:] Chronique Ernoul et Bernard le Trésorier, éd. M. L. de Mas Latrie, Paris, Renouard, 1871, p. 393; “si s’en ala par Hongrie, car la roine estoit sa suer, de cui il ot conduit et aide dou roi de Hongrie par mi sa terre et par mi Blaquie”. [The Continuator of William of Tyr – Éracles], Les Continuations de Guillaume de Tyr / Continuatur Historiua rerum in partibus transmarinis gestarum ab anno Domini MCLXXXIII usque as annum MCCLXXVII edita a venerabili Willermo, Tyreni archiepiscopo [L’Estoire de Éracles Empereur et La Conqueste de la Terrre d’Outremer est la Continuation de L’estoire de Guillaume Arcevesque de Sur], Publié par Arthur Beugnot et A. Langlois, In: Recueil de l’histoire des Croisades. Historiens occidentaux, Tome II, Paris, Imprimerie royale, 1859, p. 294.
52 “per Ungariam et Blachiam Constantinopolim perexit”. Andrea Dandolo, Chronicon Venetum, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, 25 t., ed. Ludovico A. Muratori, t. 12, Mediolani, Ex typographia Societatis palatinae in regia curia, 1728, p. 341.
his letters;53 nor in the Gesta crucigerorum Rhenanorum54, nor in Albericus of Trois-Fontaines, the one we normally always trust;55 nor it is mentioned by Riccardo di San Germano56 or Oliver of Paderborn “Scholasticus”57, and not heard by the Chronica regia Coloniensis.58 Even more astonishing to learn is that Robert’s visit is not related by the reliable contemporary Byzantine chroniclers at all, neither by Georgius Acropolites, nor by Ephraemius.59 The chronicler Baudouin d’Avesnes (or, the work attributed to him), the conti-nuator of Henri de Valenciennes is the only one that has any significant piece of information apart from Mouskés on Robert’s voyage. However, he might have taken his data just from Mouskés, however, not all of them, since he is in a way genuine, for provides details not related by Mouskés. It might be due to the fact that the work is attributed to Baudouin d’Avesnes, seigneur de Beaumont (†1295) ,the son of Marguerite II, countess of Hainaut-Flanders (1244-78), the daughter of Baldwin, Emperor of Constantinople, and in this way second-cousin of Yolande, Queen of Hungary and Emperor Robert that these details were to be involved in the chronicle.60 Baudouin d’Avesnes
53 Jacques de Vitry, Historia Iherosolimitana, In: Histoire des Croisades de Jacques de Vitry, (Collection des mémoires relatifs à l’historire de France depuis la fondation de la monarchie française jusqu’au xiiie siècle, 22) Par M. Guizot, Paris, J.-L.-J. Brière, 1825; Iacobus de Vitriaco, Epistolae ad Honorium III papam, In: Catalogus fontium historiae Hungaricae aevo ducum et regum stirpe Arpad descendentium ab Anno Christi DCCC usque ad Annum MCCI, ed. Albion F. Gombos, 3 t., Budapest, Szent István Akadémia, 1937-43, t. 2, p. 1217.
54 Gesta crucigerorum Rhenanorum, In: Quinti belli sacri Scriptores Minores, ed. Reinholdus Röhricht, Genevae, J. G. Fick, 1879, p. 27–56.
55 Alberici Monachi Trium Fontium Chronicon, ed. cit., p. 906.
56 Ryccardi di Sancto Germano notarii chronica a. 1189-1243, In: MGH, Scriptores in Folio, 19, Annales aevi Saevici, Hrsg. Georg H. Pertz, Hannoverae, Hahn, 1876, p. 321-84.
57 Oliverus Scholasticus, Historia Damiatina, In: Die Schriften des Kölner Domscholasters, späteren Bischofs von Paderborn und Kardinal-Bischofs von S. Sabina. Oliverus, Hrsg. H.
Hoogeweg, Tübingen, Litterarischer Verein in Stuttgart, 1894, p. 159-280.
58 Chronica regia Coloniensis, In: MGH, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum schola-rum separatim editi, 18, Hrsg. Georg F. Waitz, Hannoverae, Hahn, 1880.
59 Acropolites briefly stating that Robert “Erico successerat”: Georgii Acropolitae Opera, In:
op. cit., p. 29; Ephraemius stating only that “Robertus imperavit Byzantii”: [Ephraim / Ephraemius] Imperatores [Ephraemi Monachi Imperatorum et Patriarcharum recensus in-treprete A. Maio, (CSHB, 21) Hrsg. B. G. Nieburh, Bonnae, Weber, 1840, p. 311, v. 7707.
60 Florent Noirfalise dates it to the years between 1278-81: “Chronique dite Baudouin d’Avesnes”, In: ARLIMA http://www.arlima.net/ad/chronique_dite_de_baudouin_da-vesnes.html. Marguerite II of Flanders-Hainaut was sister of Empress Yolande, consort of Peter de Courtenay, Latin Emperor, as well as aunt of Robert of Constantinople and Yolande
related that Robert had a part in arranging a marriage of a Hungarian prin-cess with the ruler of Bulgaria – though erroneously names the tsar Asen as ruler of Servia, but it is unquestionable, that the Asen refers to Bulgaria – and emphasized that the Emperor went into Bulgaria and did act in marrying the daughter of Andrew II to the Bulgarian, Asenid ruler, Ivan, and it was, thanks to his assistance, that he was given Bulgarian (vlach, i.e. Blas) aid to reach Constantinople.61 Furthermore, it might also be understood that it was partly the marriage in the arrangement of which Robert had a part, through which he could reach Constantinople safely. It is most probable on the basis of these two chronicles that Mary/Ann-Mary, the daughter of King Andrew II travel-led together with the entourage of Robert – which makes it most assuring why they were also escorted by the king and the heir-to-the-throne, Béla – which is also underlined by the fact, mentioned by Mouskés that they were recei-ved at the Bulgarian border by a certain Alexander, i.e. Tsar Ivan’s brother.
And, it is also probable that Ivan married Mary early in 1221, possibly in the company of their illustrious guest.62 Hungarian historiography has no data regarding when exactly the princess was married to Tsar Ivan, the only thing we know for sure is that King Andrew arranged for the engagement when he was returning home from the Holy Land in his crusade in 1218 and stayed at the court of Ivan Asen. The Tsar, in the approaching peril of the advance of Epirus towards Bulgarian territories, was most in need of assistance, and did
of Hungary. Another MS edition gives an outline of events only from 1226, thus does not mention Robert de Courtenay : Extraits de la chronique attribuée à Baudouin d’Avesnes, fils de la comtesse Marguerite de Flandre, In: Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France, t. 21, Paris, Imprimerie impériale, 1855, p. 159-181. Another MS edition, but the extract does not say anything of Robert: Chronicon Hanoniense quod dicitur Balduini Avennensis, Hrsg. Johannes Heller, MGH, Scriptores in Folio, 25, Hrsg. Georg Friedrich Waitz, Hannover, Hann, 1880, pp. 414–467, p. 441. Alike, this extract does not mention Robert de Courtenay being elec-ted emperor: Chronique de Baudouin d’Avesnes, In: Istore et croniques de Flandres, d’après les textes de divers manuscrits, éd. Joseph Marie Bruno Constantin Kervyn de Lettenhove, Bruxelles, Hayez, 1880, t. 2, pp. 555–696, pp. 597–98.
61 “Cil s’en ala par Hongherie, où il fu recheus à grant hounour de sa serour, qui estoit roine de la terre, et dou roi Andriu. II sejorna tout l’yvier en Hongherie, car il n’avoit mie bien les passages à sa volenté. […] Cil variés avoit une biele damoisiele qui estoit sa fille. Robiers d’Auchoirre le fist richement apparillier, et disoit que chou estoit sa cousine; et puis fist parler de mariage de li et dou roi de Servie. Li rois qui cuida ke che fust voirs, s’acorda au ma-riage; si furent faites les noches à grant sollempnité. Par che mariage et par l’aïde des Blas ala Robiers d’Auchoirre seurement jusques en Constantinoble.” Compilation dite de Baudouin D’Avesnes, In: op. cit., p. 424.
62 Mór Wertner, Az Árpádok családi története [The genealogical history of the Árpáds], Nagybecskereken, Pleitz, 1892, p. 437;
also wish to approach the Papacy and negotiate over the adoption of Latin Catholicism.63 Furthermore, it makes the situation even more complex: it was after the negotiations of Robert and Andrew that the Hungarian-Bulgarian marriage was to be finalized, that is, after the re-confirmation of the pro-La-tin stand of the Hungarian monarchy the alliance was to be supplemented with a formal agreement of the Asenids’ joining the alliance. In this light it seems understandable why the king himself travelled up to the border: gave his daughter in marriage and at the same time had trilateral negotiations with the Latin Emperor and the Tsar of Bulgaria. It could also explain the hard efforts why Robert opted for the exhausting inland way: by the time he arri-ved to Constantinople ha had had two influential allies, he was not to be the remote relative, inexperienced in the affairs of the Balkans any longer. In a way, the imperial visit was only the reconfirmation of the former diplomatic track of the Latin Empire, that of Emperor Henry and Empress Yolande, the newly elected ruler wishing to have Constantinople’s former partners obli-ging themselves to keep their old commitments.
A final but brief note should also be added here when discussing through what channels the news of the imperial visit could at all reach Tournai and Mouskés. There is another connection within the dynastic familia of the Courtenays. There is a fresco in Castle Vianden, in present-day Luxemburg, which describes the genealogical chart of the Courtenay dynasty, also positio-ning illustriously the king and the queen of Hungary, Andrew and Yolande.
That is, the owner of the castle must have had a vivid memory of the Hungarian relationship of the Courtenays, even in the far-away Luxemburg. The owner of the castle in the early 13th century was count Henry I of Vianden (†1252), who married Margaret, Marchioness of Namur (†1270), daughter of Emperor Peter de Courtenay, and sister of both Emperor Robert and Queen Yolande.
Vianden, the seat of the county is not very far from Tournai, or, the circle of activity of a Flemish-Hainauter merchant. Namur, where the marchioness ruled until 1237, is even closer, that is, a family heritage was still alive when Mouskés was writing his opus.
Mouskés’ example confirms our hypothesis that medieval Hungary was not seen as a remote part of the peripheries, through the Courtenays and the
63 Vassil Gyuzelev, “Das Papsttum und Bulgarien im Mittelalter (9.–14. Jh.)”, Bulgarian Historical Review, 5, 1977, 1, pp. 34–58, p. 45; J. V. A. Fine, The Late Medieval Balkans, op. cit., p. 106.
Frankish East, its Outremer contacts it nurtured vivid relationships even with the territories of Northern France and the Netherlands. In a way Hungary was an organic part of medieval Latin Christendom, and was not seen as a periphery, as a “terre sauvage”, its royal dynasty and its relationships were appreciated and well-known in the West, even for a town-dweller in Tournai.
Western, Byzantine and Latin Empire Contacts of the House of Árpád in the early 13th c.
Constance of Antioch∞Renaud deChâtillon Agnes ∞ Béla III, King of Hungary Jeanne ∞ Boniface of Montferrat, King of Thessalonica de Châtillon (1172-96) Bohemund III Bohemund IV Prince of Antioch (†1233) Louis VI, King of France ∞ Melisende d. of Amaury King of Jerusalem. Peter I of Courtenay-Capet (de France) Baldwin V, Count of Hainaut-Flanders Philip ∞ Isabel, d. of Leo Peter II of Courtenay-Capet, Emp. of Constantinople ∞ Yolanda of Flanders Balduin Henry Isabel King of Armenia Empress of Const. Emp. of Const. Emp. of Const. ∞ Philip II, King of France ∞ Agnes of Montferrat Margaret / Mary King Andrew II (2) ∞ Yolanda of Courtenay Robert Baldwin II Mary Agnes d. of Boniface, King of Thessalonica Empress (1205-35) Queen of Hungary Emp. of Const. Emp. of Const. ∞Theodoros ∞ ∞ (1) Isaakios Angelos II (1) (1221-28) (1228-61/73) Laskaris Geoffroy II Villehardouin, Prince of Achaea ∞ (2) Boniface of Montferrat ∞ eng. Eudokia Emp. of Nikaia Béla IV∞ Mary Mary Andrew Laskarina ∞ (3) Nicholas d. of Theodoros ∞ Ivan ∞ eng. of St. Omer Emp. of Nikaia Asen II, Isabel, d. of Leo of ? Anonym. ∞ eng. Boril, Tsar of Bulgaria Tsar of Bulgaria Armenia Demetrius Béla of St. Omer William of St. Omer King of Lord of Thebes ∞ eng. Margaret Thessalonica ∞ Bonne de la Roche d. of Béla IV (1207-24; d. of the Prince of Athens † 1230)